Analysis of ‘Animal Farm’

Animal Farm is a novella written by George Orwell and published in 1945. Written in the form of a ‘fairy story’ with talking farm animals, it is a satirical political allegory of the first twenty-five years or so of Soviet Russia. It has been said that almost every detail of the story allegorically represented something of political importance from early Soviet history.

Orwell was prompted to write Animal Farm (and Nineteen Eighty-Four) by his disquieting experiences as a Republican soldier in the Spanish Civil War, fighting with the POUM, an anti-Stalinist Marxist group who were slandered by the Stalinists as Trotskyist, and, more fantastically, as sympathizing with Franco. In Homage to Catalonia and numerous letters, he wrote of how inconsistently the USSR was ‘helping’ the Republican side, who should have been their allies as fellow leftists. Stalin seemed more interested in making alliances with the capitalist West (i.e., England, France, and America, whose ‘neutral,’ non-interventionist policy actually aided the Fascists) against the growing threat of Naziism, and in crushing any manifestations of Trotskyism among the Spanish communists, than in helping his comrades in Spain. Hence, the leftist media, following the Stalinist agenda, denied the socialist revolution going on in Spain at the time, insisting instead that the struggle against Fascism was about preserving ‘liberal democracy’. Indeed, what Stalin really wanted was to crush the Spanish revolution. Hence, Orwell’s bitterness against the USSR. Now, let’s look at the allegory of Animal Farm.

Mr. Jones, the owner of the Manor Farm, represents Tsar Nicholas II and the Russian capitalist class. The Manor Farm, therefore, represents Russia in the 19th and 20th centuries, up until World War I.

Old Major, an aging pig that hasn’t long to live, represents Karl Marx and, to a lesser extent, Lenin (later in the story, Old Major’s skull is reverently put on public display, recalling Lenin’s Mausoleum). So his speech, in which he describes the deplorable state of the overworked, underfed farm animals, represents the conditions of the disenfranchised working class in 19th century England, as described in Capital, as well as autocratic, tsarist Russia in Lenin’s writings. Old Major’s prophecy of a day when the animals will revolt against Jones and take over the farm represents Marx’s prophecy of the eventual collapse of capitalism and the workers seizing control of the means of production in a communist revolution.

When Old Major warns of the danger of the animals adopting human vices, and becoming as oppressive as man is after emancipating themselves, this can be seen as a reflection both of Orwell’s and Marx’s later anti-authoritarian stance (in the Grundrisse and The Civil War in France), as opposed to his more statist stance in The Communist Manifesto.

After Old Major dies, the animals prepare for the day of revolution, with the pigs in leadership positions; this represents how, after Marx died, Lenin and his vanguard party, the Bolsheviks, led the working class in Russia in preparation for revolution there.

Jones is kinder to Moses, a raven that promises ‘Sugarcandy Mountain’, a kind of animal heaven, to all hardworking animals on the farm. Moses thus represents the Russian Orthodox Church, an authoritarian structure propped up by the tsar and ruling class, to placate the frustrated workers and keep them under control.

Finally, on a day when Jones has got too drunk to remember to feed the animals, they rebel against the farmhands and kick them off the farm. Even Jones and his wife run off, with Moses flying close behind her. This moment represents the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and of the Russian Revolution of October 1917, when Lenin and the Bolsheviks took power.

The feeling of freedom is exhilarating for the animals, as it must have been for the Russian  communists in 1917. The animals change the name of the farm, from the Manor Farm, to Animal Farm. A green flag, with a white hoof and horn crossing each other, is hoisted on a flagpole; it obviously represents the red communist flag, with the hammer and sickle.

The pigs being the smartest of the animals, just like the educated Bolsheviks, have the animals go into the fields to begin the harvest after the pigs have milked the cows. Later, it is discovered that the milk has gone missing. The Seven Commandments, painted on the barn wall, suggest a religious-like idealism for the new values of ‘Animalism,’ which represents communism, but which may also be a pun on anarchism, since full communism includes a withered-away state; also, the Bolshevik bureaucracy hadn’t developed in Russia yet. Finally, there was Nestor Makhno‘s anarcho-communist Free Territory in the Ukraine.

Not accepting defeat easily, the humans mount a counter-attack, just as the capitalist class did in Russia in 1918. The Battle of the Cowshed, which involves men from other farms helping Jones retake his farm, thus represents the Russian Civil War of 1918-1922, in which the White Army of the capitalist class included help from capitalists from other countries, like the US. The farmers lose the Battle of the Cowshed, being chased off the farm thanks in particular to the bravery of the pig Snowball; just as the White Army lost the Russian Civil War thanks to the leadership of Leon Trotsky (whom Snowball represents) and the Red Army.

Before this battle, the pig Napoleon has already secretly taken in a litter of puppies to rear them. This represents the secret machinations of Stalin (Napoleon) and his rise to power. Later, we learn that not only the milk but also the apples are being eaten by the pigs rather than shared by all the animals. This privilege represents the continuing bureaucratization of the Soviet Union, with the Bolsheviks creating a hierarchy of power, as well as advocating working with reactionary unions and bourgeois parliaments (though only when considered justified and necessary), the kind of thing that German and British Left Communists were complaining about even under the rule of Lenin, who dismissed his critics as having ‘an infantile disorder‘.

Mollie doesn’t like living on Animal Farm; she prefers the old days when men ran the farm and gave her sugar and ribbons for her mane, to make her look cute. She’s been caught by her animal comrades taking secret gifts from humans, and she eventually leaves Animal Farm to live on another farm. She represents how women can be as bourgeois as men; and even though Orwell was unlikely to have known Ayn Rand, Mollie can be seen to represent such pro-capitalist women, who left Russia with their noses firmly out of joint.

Ideological struggles begin to grow between the pigs. Snowball advocates encouraging animals all over the farms of England to revolt against their human masters; for if all farms become like Animal Farm, there will be no need to defend them against humans, since the revolution will be complete. Napoleon, on the other hand, prefers focusing on protecting Animal Farm alone, getting firearms and learning how to use them. This discord represents the ideological rift between Trotskyism and permanent revolution on the one side, and Stalinism and ‘socialism in one country‘ on the other.

Similarly, Snowball proposes building a windmill to provide electricity for the farm; this, he promises, will reduce the workload for the animals and make their lives much easier. In this, we see that Snowball, though mostly based on Trotsky, also has a bit of Lenin in him, since Lenin wanted to promote electrification in the USSR; one need only read Lenin’s writing, ‘Communism and Electrification’, from 1920: “Communism is Soviet power plus the electrification of the whole country.” [Lenin’s emphasis] (Tucker, p. 492-495). As S.A. Smith says in The Russian Revolution: “Productivism was evident in Lenin’s enthusiasm for electrification, which he avowed would ‘produce a decisive victory of the principles of communism in our country’ by transforming small-scale agriculture, by eliminating drudgery from the home, and by dramatically improving public health and sanitation.” (p. 104)

(Incidentally, I find it interesting how Lenin, represented slightly in Old Major and here in Snowball, doesn’t have his own pig to represent him in full. Odd.)

Napoleon rejects Snowball’s idea, even pissing on his windmill drawings; but after having his now-fully-grown dogs (which represent the secret police of the USSR) chase Snowball off the farm, he later pretends that the windmill was his idea all along.

The chasing off of Snowball represents the exile of Leon Trotsky after he lost the power struggle with Stalin in the mid to late 1920s. Napoleon’s adoption of the plan to build the windmill, and the three attempts to build it, represent Stalin’s three Five-Year Plans to industrialize the Soviet Union, carried out mostly during the 1930s.

The animals are getting suspicious of the pigs, as were many communists of the bureaucracy in the USSR. Napoleon is now doing business with humans, namely, Mr. Whymper, trading hay, some of the wheat crop, and the chickens’ eggs for urgently needed things in order to build the windmill…but later on, also to obtain such things as booklets on brewing and distillery, for liquor. Weren’t the animals forbidden to drink alcohol, according to the Seven Commandments? Wasn’t the whole reason for ridding themselves of their human masters that the animals were to keep all the products of their labour? Weren’t all humans the enemy (‘four legs good, two legs bad’), never to be associated with?

The end of the regular animal meetings on Sunday mornings represents the fading of the influence of the Soviets, or workers’ councils, the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat‘ replaced by a dictatorship of the vanguard. Napoleon doing business with the humans represents Stalin doing business with American capitalists like Ford Motor Company.

During one bitter winter, the animals’ food falls short, and they are faced with starvation. This represents the Great Famine of 1932-33.

Unwilling to part with their eggs, the chickens revolt against the pigs, and are rounded up by the dogs. The chickens, along with other animals said to be guilty of ‘treason’ against Animal Farm, are executed. This killing represents the Great Purge of the 1930s, which killed such high-profile communists as Nikolai Bukharin, and also Stalin’s use of state terror to keep his people in line. Napoleon even has the song ‘Beasts of England’ replaced with one praising him.

Napoleon is doing business with Whymper and other farms, making deals with Frederick‘s farm and Pilkington‘s (or trying to), as Stalin did with Nazi Germany (i.e., the non-aggression pact, purging the USSR of Jews, etc.) and tried to do with England. Clearly, Animal Farm isn’t so much different from other farms, as Stalin’s regime was much like any other.

The Seven Commandments are being increasingly modified, and thus discarded: the pigs are sleeping in beds, they have given themselves licence to kill any animal that is a threat to them, and they can even get drunk if they like.

Orwell is often criticized on the grounds that he never set foot in the Soviet Union; but his observations were largely confirmed by Milovan Djilas (who personally met and worked with Stalin on several occasions) in such books as The New Class and Conversations With Stalin. A new Russian elite was replacing the old, tsarist one; capitalist imperialism was traded in for Soviet imperialism. This would explain such things as the meagre help Stalin gave the Spanish communists and anarchists in the late 1930s.

In Conversations With Stalin, Djilas noted, “It is time something was said about Stalin’s attitude toward revolutions, and thus toward the Yugoslav revolution. Because Moscow abstained, always in decisive moments, from supporting the Chinese, Spanish, and in many ways even the Yugoslav revolutions, the view prevailed, not without reason, that Stalin was generally against revolutions. This is, however, not entirely correct. He was opposed only conditionally, that is, to the degree to which the revolution went beyond the interests of the Soviet state. He felt instinctively that the creation of revolutionary centres outside of Moscow could endanger its supremacy in world Communism, and of course that is what actually happened. That is why he helped revolutions only up to a certain point–up to where he could control them–but he was always ready to leave them in the lurch whenever they slipped out of his grasp.” (pp. 92-93)

Now, the erosion of animal rights needn’t symbolize only the erosion of workers’ rights in the USSR: this erosion can also represent such things as the change from liberation movements in the 60s and 70s into such mutant forms of today as political correctness, postmodernism, social justice warriors, and identity politics. The struggle against racism, sexism, homophobia, etc., was carried out with much more solidarity forty years ago than it is today. Interestingly, forty years ago, neoliberalism hadn’t quite gotten off the ground yet, either. Hmm…

The decision by farmers led by Mr. Frederick to go in and take back Animal Farm for human control results in the violent Battle of the Windmill, so called because the second windmill has been dynamited (by Mr. Frederick and his men). This battle represents the Nazi invasion of Russia during the Second World War, since Frederick represents Hitler, who, contrary to right-libertarians’ portrayal as a ‘socialist’, was as much a whore to big business as any other capitalist politician. The violence of this battle corresponds to that of the Battle of Stalingrad, often considered the bloodiest battle in military history.

A third windmill is finally built, at the cost of Boxer‘s life: its construction represents the completed transformation of the Soviet Union from an agrarian country to an industrialized superpower. But all the benefits of the windmill go to the pigs, who are now wearing clothes and walking on their hind legs! No longer do the sycophantic, mindless sheep bleat ‘four legs good, two legs bad’; now, it’s ‘four legs good, two legs better‘! The Seven Commandments have been replaced with one: ‘All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others.’ This chilling commandment can be seen to represent not only the New Class, the nomenklatura of the Soviet bureaucracy set up and bloated by the Leninists and Stalinists, but also the reverse discrimination championed by politically correct-thinking social justice warriors.

That said, however, Orwell was not trying to attack all forms of leftism, as the right-libertarians like to think. Indeed, the political right is fond of misusing Orwell for their own propagandistic purposes, as this CIA-funded cartoon movie of Animal Farm shows. This movie’s depiction of the Soviet Union, as with every right-wing distortion of socialism, paints a much darker portrait of Stalinism than even Orwell had intended.

Ironically, the Stalinists and Maoists also seem to think Orwell was opposed to all of socialism. Actually, he was opposed only to authoritarian forms of socialism, as well as to Fascism.

Now, sometimes Orwell’s antipathy to the USSR went too far, and the attitude he had towards blacks, gays, and Jews does him no credit at all. Furthermore, one shouldn’t be too negative towards Stalin. After all, his Red Army marched into Berlin and defeated the Nazis. And his transformation of Soviet Russia, from a backward agrarian country into a modernized superpower, within just a few decades, can only be described as impressive.

The vices of Bolshevik rule tend to be exaggerated, too. Not all of Leninist authoritarianism can be so simplistically reduced to government corruption. Much of the bureaucratization, especially in the wake of the Russian Civil War, was inevitable, as S.A. Smith observes in The Russian Revolution–A Very Short Introduction: “The massive problems of recruiting, feeding, and transporting the Red Army, of squeezing grain from an unwilling peasantry, and of overcoming parochialism and inertia at the local level created irresistible pressures to centralize decision-making at the apex of the party. Moreover the constant emergencies of war fed the pressure to take instant decisions and to implement them forcefully, with the result that the party came increasingly to operate like an army.” (p. 66)

What’s more, polls have been taken in Russia, repeatedly indicating that the majority of Russians would prefer a return of the USSR. Surely, Soviet Russia wasn’t as bad as Orwell was portraying it. All this said, though, apart from the collectivization of the farms, was the USSR genuinely socialist?

Orwell’s opposition to the USSR was based on the Stalinist reality that he’d experienced in Spain (i.e., the repression of the POUM), and it wasn’t a condemnation of socialism as a whole. Consider what he had to say about anarchist Catalonia:

“It was the first time I had ever been in a town where the working class was in the saddle. Practically every building of any size had been seized by the workers and was draped with red flags or with the red and black flag of the Anarchists; every wall was scrawled with the hammer and sickle and with the initials of the revolutionary parties; almost every church had been gutted and its images burnt. Churches here and there were being systematically demolished by gangs of workmen. Every shop and café had an inscription saying that it had been collectivised; even the bootblacks had been collectivised and their boxes painted red and black. Waiters and shop-walkers looked you in the face and treated you as an equal…All this was queer and moving. There was much in it that I did not understand, in some ways I did not even like it, but I recognized it immediately as a state of affairs worth fighting for.” (Homage to Catalonia, from Orwell In Spain, pp. 32-33)

“As far as my purely personal preferences went I would have liked to join the Anarchists.” (Homage to Catalonia, p. 116–not from Orwell in Spain)

These are hardly the words of an anti-socialist.

His point about the pigs being indistinguishable from the humans was that the Soviets were indistinguishable from Western capitalists. Soviet ‘socialism’ was really just state capitalism, with the state–rather than the workers–controlling the means of production. This is why the Marxist state never withered away, or even approached such fading.

As Milovan Djilas explains in The New Class: “In the course of industrialization, the property of those elements who were not opposed to, or even assisted, the revolution is taken over. As a matter of form, the state also becomes the owner of this property. The state administers and manages the property. Private ownership ceases, or decreases to a role of secondary importance, but its complete disappearance is subject to the whim of the new men in authority.” (p. 30)

The pigs’ meeting with the humans at the end of the story represents the Tehran Conference of Stalin with Churchill and Roosevelt. Calling the farm ‘the Manor Farm’ (note the pun on man in Manor) again shows the reality of state capitalism rather than real socialism. Napoleon and Mr. Pilkington accusing each other of cheating when they both play the ace of spades simultaneously is an anticipation of the troubles of the Cold War.

Now, Orwell’s criticism of authoritarianism isn’t limited to the bullying of the Stalinists. He was also pointing out the weakness and conformity of the animals, who blindly follow whatever propaganda the pigs throw at them. Boxer, though loveable, isn’t very smart. His motto, “I will work harder,” is noble, but foolish. His getting up earlier and earlier in the morning to lift heavy rocks for the building of the windmills is what causes his death. Even more foolish is his saying, “If Comrade Napoleon says it, it must be right.” We mustn’t idealize our leaders, or be too willing to sacrifice ourselves for them, expecting a reward that will never come. Boxer never gets the retirement he’s deserved.

And whenever a commandment on the barn wall is altered, the animals passively accept it, imagining they have just forgotten that it has always said what it only now says. Indeed, those in authority often exploit our tendency to forget what has happened even as little as, say, ten years ago; thus, they trick us into making the same mistakes we’ve made so many times before.

Part of ending authoritarianism is the vigilance of the people to root it out whenever it’s seen. There will always be power-hungry people out there, ready to subvert justice for their own selfish ends. We, the people, have to keep watch against such demagogues, never letting their guile get the better of us.

Indeed, a similar corrupting of the ideals of personal liberty can be seen in the rise of contemporary neoliberalism. In the 1970s and 80s, right-libertarians (a kind of ‘Old Major’ in their own right) promoted the idea of the ‘free market,’ insisting that too much government regulation was bad for the economy, and akin to Stalinism. Deregulation and tax cuts ensued, allowing the rich to grow into the super-rich of today.

Ironically, instead of resulting in greater liberty, all we’ve seen is the kind of centralization that comes from capitalist accumulation, which Marx wrote about in Capital. Instead of less government, we have more of it, thanks to the excessive influence that the super-rich have over politicians (consider Hillary Clinton’s ties to Wall Street).

With the growing of capitalism has come the growing of imperialism and the ‘War On Terror.’ Now the state interferes with our lives more than ever, but the right-libertarians propagandize that the problem is too much ‘socialist’ government, rather than too much capitalism. Today, Napoleon and the pigs aren’t the state capitalists of the USSR; now, they’re all just plain capitalists, pretending to be anti-statists.

Today, Orwell’s story is more relevant than ever, if for reasons totally different from the original ones.

S.A. Smith, The Russian Revolution: a Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, New York, 2002

Robert C. Tucker, The Lenin Anthology, W.W. Norton and Company, New York, 1975

The Nail

Foreword: What follows is a long, complex, and nuanced argument. It is long because there is no simple way to express the opinions given here. Since I will be touching on some controversial ideas here, I will ask the reader to continue right to the end, and not let his or her preconceptions cause a premature giving up on the argument, to jump to oversimplified conclusions about what my beliefs really are about the subject. Please read without prejudice. This post is meant to be read as a totality, with all of the arguments’ tints and shades weighed in the balance, not plucked out of context to create straw-man arguments.

I: Introduction

“‘…’virtue’ has been impaired more for me by its boring advocates than by anything else…” –Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, ‘Our Virtues’, section 228 (Walter Kaufmann translation)

I once watched this amusing video on Facebook.

Now, as amusing as this video is, it also–whether deliberately or not–can be seen to represent certain political issues that similarly require us all to “listen, and believe,” instead of engaging in rational debate. The ones who require this ‘listening and believing’ are not all women, of course–indeed, many women in the world would prefer rational debate, and many of those who’d have us all ‘listen and believe’ are men–but those that the listen-and-believe faction claim to speak for are women. I refer here to third wave feminists.

I would like to start off by saying that I am in full support of equality for the sexes, and therefore of first and second wave feminism: no discrimination against either sex is even remotely justified in my opinion. I’m not one of those MRAs who rant and rave on Reddit about how women and feminists are, apparently, the root of all evil.

At the same time, though, I don’t believe it’s my duty as a man to lick the boots of third wave feminists, either, who are in many ways the heirs of the preachers of academic Marxism, who in turn are isolated in their ivory towers (in corporate-controlled universities, no less) from the working class they claim to represent. All ideas, whether popular or not, whether politically correct or not, should be properly debated instead of being given sacrosanct ‘safe spaces.’ If women are as strong as men are, then feminists can take criticism as well as dish it out.

Issues regarding the sexes are complex: it is by no means a straightforward task to sort out who the heroes and villains are (if people should even be so simplistically called ‘heroes’ or ‘villains’) in the struggle to liberate us all from the chains of sex roles. There are the well-intentioned and the malicious in all factions, as well as those who are a combination of good and bad. All should be listened to, but none should be credulously believed without first checking the facts. Similarly, if I have asserted anything here that you, Dear Reader, find unbelievable, please check the links to see how my assertions have been backed up.

II: The Wage Gap

Let the shit-storm begin.

A popular statistic gets trumpeted around in the media: women earn 77 cents for every dollar men earn. It is assumed that this is all unequal pay for equal work. Actually, these kinds of figures are derived merely by looking at overall averages in pay. It doesn’t take into account choices that men and women make–for example, married mothers taking fewer hours at work to have more time for their children, as opposed to fathers taking on more hours, out of a societally-induced obligation, to provide more money for the family.

Nor do these wage gap myths take into account such factors as years of work experience, or the nature of the jobs themselves (the danger pay made by miners, construction workers, etc., stereotypically male jobs, as opposed to the lower pay of office workers, secretaries, teachers, etc., in well-lit, air-conditioned rooms, more stereotypically female jobs, partly because they are jobs women usually prefer over dangerous jobs). If such factors as these are taken into account, the ‘wage gap’ is reduced almost to zero. Now, none of this means that discrimination against women doesn’t exist at all in the West, but rather that it isn’t the gargantuan problem it is said to be.

There is another objection that must be cleared up here: it is often said that women aren’t so much choosing to do these more traditional female jobs, but rather they are societally coerced into doing them because ‘gender’ is a social construct created by ‘the patriarchy’ to keep women down. Put another way, society somehow brainwashes women into being passive, maternal, and gentle (while similarly giving men the supposedly joyous opportunity of being strong and dominant–even though a small minority of men are in dominant positions in the social hierarchy: most men are workers, in the lower echelons of the pyramid; many of us forget that. The vast majority of leadership positions being held by men is not the same as the vast majority of men holding leadership positions.).

This notion of brainwashing women can only be seen as condescending to anyone capable of rational thought. Surely after fifty years of modern feminism, most Western women are aware not only of their sense of agency, but also their expanded opportunities: more women than men graduate from universities, and though women in STEM fields are still minorities, those minorities are hardly the result of societal discouragement (nor is it due to discrimination against women, as is commonly assumed); indeed, if a man suggests–even in jest–that women are less capable than men in such fields, or are more delicate than men, it is instant career suicide for him.

The mainstream Western media, far from limiting women to the traditional roles of housewife, mother, and caregiver (as it had 50-60 years ago), constantly shows women in professional roles in TV and movies, roles once considered only the domain of men: lawyers, doctors, police, politicians, ambitious career women, and fighters. Though women in such roles are obviously dwarfed by their male counterparts, and they tend to be too beautiful too often, these portrayals are clearly meant to inspire and encourage girls to pursue such careers in real life. A whole generation of girls has grown up being told they can do anything a man can. Contrast this with the portrayal of men in commercials, songs, music videos, movies, etc., as either stupid, hopeless losers or incorrigibly wicked.

The encouragement of girls is a wonderfully positive development, and while I personally can do without its lapsing into a female form of chauvinism, it’s also proof that no patriarchal brainwashing of girls exists in the modern Western world. To explain the ‘pay gap’, we must look elsewhere than the sexism theory.

III: Sex Roles–a Reinterpretation

Conventional wisdom has perpetuated the idea that the traditional role of breadwinner privileges men, while the traditional role of housewife enslaves women. Now there is no doubt that doing housework has more than its share of frustrations: the drudgery, the dull routine, the feeling of being like a prisoner in one’s own home. But a man in an office can feel the same way, and the stress of men’s intensified breadwinning, traditional sex role (including holding in feelings, out of the societally-induced obligation to ‘take it like a man’) has been one of many factors leading to them dying considerably younger than women on average (this was especially true in the 20th century). Women report more stress and manage it better than men do, but reporting and managing stress is part of the solution: holding it in and pretending it isn’t there is part of the problem. Hence, stress in men leads to greater mental and physical illness in them than in women, hence, earlier death.

Also, consider how men do almost all of the hazardous jobs: construction workers, soldiers, miners…even garbagemen don’t have a safe job. Over 90% of workplace deaths happen to men.

But ultimately, there shouldn’t be a competition between MRAs and feminists, for all of this comparing of which sex has it worse is beside the point: sex roles were never meant as a conspiracy to privilege one sex at the expense of the other; they were created because, historically, they were the most sensible way to ensure survival. In the past, when the great majority of people did physical labour to make a living, men’s greater physical strength gave women protection, an especially needed thing during the incapacitating final months of pregnancy, before the rise of modern medicine.

The fact that women are the sex that gets pregnant has huge social implications. When a woman gives birth, we can see that she is the mother of that newborn baby; but who was the man who got her pregnant nine months ago? If we cannot identify the father, whichever lovers the mother may have had can all deny paternity: mothers cannot. This is the cruel double standard imposed on women; nature is the unfair one. Patrilineal succession, which motivates fathers to commit to family life rather than abandon pregnant women, is merely society’s rigid attempt to remedy the problem of fatherless families.

I am not recommending a return to such a backward form of social organization. Many of the methods used to ensure the legal fiction of paternity–veiling women, female genital mutilation, killing women merely suspected of lewdness (stoning, honour beatings)–are clearly dysfunctional and abhorrent even to contemplate. What I am trying to do is show that ensuring paternity, for all of its obviously execrable methods, was historically preferable to having a society with litters of fatherless children, a terrible burden for single mothers. Also, the negative psychological effects on children who are fatherless are well-documented.

Fortunately, in today’s society we have DNA testing to ascertain paternity; also–in the developed countries, at least–modern technology, modern medicine, the birth control pill, and economic growth have to a considerable extent liberated women by, among other things, shrinking the burdens of housekeeping from a 24/7 job to a flexible part-time one, allowing women to choose between full-time housekeeping, full-time work outside the home, or some combination of both jobs. Men, on the other hand, have a slight variation on these options: work full-time, and…oh, wait, that’s it, with far too few exceptions. (If more women were willing to support a husband, on the other hand…) Another rarely acknowledged issue is how the modernizing mentioned above was largely the responsibility of the ‘oppressor sex.’ [For more details on this idea, check out “Chapter Two: Stage I to Stage II: How Successful Men Freed Women (But Forgot to Free Themselves)” from Warren Farrell’s Myth of Male Power.]

To return to the subject of traditional sex roles, another issue, one apart from the need to assure paternity, comes from women being the sex that gets pregnant: the greater need to protect women than to protect men. A tribe with, say, one man each to impregnate every ten women has a far better chance of surviving than a tribe of ten men for every one woman, since population growth is crucial to the survival of the community. When we consider how, through most of history, death and disease were around the corner, women frequently died when giving birth, and children frequently didn’t survive to adulthood–due to a lack of modern medicine–it should be easy to see how seriously people took the idea of protecting women for the sake of survival. Small wonder most soldiers in history have been men. Small wonder most dangerous jobs are done by men. Small wonder society values men rescuing damsels in distress instead of women saving men. The feminists who complain about all this ‘benevolent sexism‘ tend to be those in comfortable offices in the First World, for the most part out of reach of the danger, disease, or the destruction of war that plagues developing countries. Women in the Third World, in contrast, usually accept traditional roles eagerly: when you and your family are starving, you tend not to care about GamerGate.

What most third-wave feminists tend to ignore is how women have been honoured–even held in awe–as the Giver of Life. During the Palaeolithic Age, the male role in reproduction wasn’t known: it was assumed that women created life in the womb all by themselves, until such things as cattle-breeding, during the transition to the Neolithic Age, helped man to discover the link between copulation and procreation. The notion of woman as Giver of Life, whose menstruation was once considered a sacred, divine power, was already lodged into our unconscious, though, as was the dually sacred and taboo nature of her genitals. This is the real meaning behind holding women up on pedestals: worshipping feminine beauty, far more than male beauty, as divine; this traditional respect for women (something blacks, gays, and transgender people never experienced as compensation for the bigotry they’ve suffered) can be traced back to such matrilineal practices as ancient goddess worship.

This awe of the Eternal Feminine continued in the worship of goddesses in otherwise patriarchal pagan societies (there’s always a nucleus of matriarchy in every cell of patriarchy): though the Confucianists clearly favoured the male, the Taoists, in their preference of feminine yin over masculine yang, counterbalanced the Confucianists by preferring women. According to Gulik’s Sexual Life in Ancient China, “The Taoists…venerated woman because they considered her as by nature closer to those forces [the primordial forces of nature] than man, and because in her womb new life is created and fostered.” (page 43)

Consider also the implications of the ancient Chinese characters for man and for woman, especially as they were originally written: “…the Yin graph for “woman” consists of a picture of a kneeling human figure the most distinctive feature of which is a pair of disproportionally large breasts…breasts and not, for instance, hands akimbo in wide sleeves, is proved…by the graph for “mother” mu, which has the nipples added…The graph for “man” nan, on the other hand, consists of a square picture of a piece of cultivated land, and another sign indicating to “to work”…This suggests that whereas the Yin principle considered woman chiefly as the nourishing mother, man was viewed primarily in his function of tiller of the land and provider of the family–a distinction which points in matriarchal direction.” (page 5)

Eve (Hebrew hawah, ‘life’) was “the mother of all living.” The almost Isis-like Virgin Mary continues this tradition of honouring mothers in otherwise patriarchal monotheism; and part of the purpose of veiling Muslim women is, apart from restricting their freedoms, to protect them from objectification and the ‘mental rape’ of the male gaze, among other dangers (Koran Surah 33:59). Here we see how traditional notions of femininity and radical feminism aren’t as dissimilar as they seem.

The awe of femininity continues in Europe through the Courtly Love Tradition in medieval literature, in which the female objects of male poets’ love are practically worshipped as goddesses. If a woman was her husband’s property, so was a man his wife’s, in many ways. Consider what Provost and Pompey say at the beginning of scene two of Act 4 in Shakespeare’s Measure for Measure:

Provost: Come hither, sirrah. Can you cut off a man’s head?

Pompey: If the man be a bachelor, sir, I can; but if he be a married man, he’s his wife’s head, and I can never cut off a woman’s head.

A man’s whole raison d’être is to work, marry, and provide for a family: if he fails to fulfill these duties, he’s shamed, considered less of a man, every bit as much as a spinster is considered less of a woman.

None of this is meant to discredit the many legitimate issues that the women’s movement has raised. I’m not suggesting, through the above examples, that some kind of ‘traditional sexual equality’ has existed throughout history: quite the opposite is true. I merely wish to show that traditional roles have been a mix of honour and oppression for both sexes. Traditional awe of the virtuous virgin certainly makes women feel confined in many ways, but it also privileges them through a presumption of innocence men rarely get (Farrell, 267-299).

Remember that, while the Virgin Mary represents an unattainable ideal for women, so does Hercules for men. Dashing male heroes don’t privilege men–they pressure men to risk death in real life–all just ‘to prove one’s manhood.’ All those male daredevils on motorcycles, etc., do what they do because masculinity is embattled and fragile. Women, as bearers of our sons and daughters, menstruating every month, usually feel little doubt about their femininity–even if they’re unattractive or getting old. Their very bodies ensure their respect–the flip-side of how their bodies are too often sexually objectified.

Now, many of the generalizations that I’ve made about women will doubtless come across as ‘ignorant’ to my readers here. But what must be taken into consideration is the plethora of ignorant generalizations, almost all negative, that are made about men, too, and how the mainstream media and ‘polite’ discourse allows such ignorance to be perpetuated. The egregious website, ‘Everyday Feminism’, is particularly painful when it comes to its ignorant attitudes towards men, attitudes the writers there can get away with making (often with few links to back up their generalizations), since one tends not to find any ‘comments’ sections at the bottom of an article where, had there been one, the pages would surely be bombarded with trolling. Obviously, the writers there need the site to be a ‘safe space’, safe from criticism.

In contrast, I’m not criticizing women as a sex, nor am I even criticizing feminism in general: I’m limiting my criticisms to third wave and radical feminism, and I’m doing my best to back up my claims with sources, since I know my controversial observations won’t just blow by without a reaction of some kind against them.

In a larger sense, though, we’re all limited by our own forms of ignorance and foolish assumptions. This doesn’t necessarily make us ‘bad people’: it makes us human. Anyone who takes issue with what I’ve said may, of course, comment. Personal attacks, verbal abuse, and trolling for its own sake, however, will be ignored. Points of disagreement will be dealt with in a future blog post, either of my acknowledging my errors, or backing my points up with, I hope, more persuasive proof and counterarguments.

IV: Men’s Issues and MRAs

As I’ve said above, I am not an MRA. I don’t believe in wallowing in male victimhood any more than most reasonable women wallow in female victimhood, these being pet hobbies of MRAs and third-wave feminists. Yet just as there are non-feminists who acknowledge real women’s issues in the world (to be dealt with below), there are also non-MRAs who acknowledge men’s issues. For it is the issues themselves (those of both sexes) that need to be focused on, not the validity of the movements that obsess over the issues.

I have already mentioned a few of these: men’s near monopoly on workplace deaths, obligation to fight in wars, obligation to be breadwinners for their wives instead of wives’ obligation to provide financially for househusbands. There are also the earlier deaths of men on average. Third-wave feminists, ever insisting that they only want equality, rarely pay attention to any of these and a number of other men’s issues; but an honest fight for equality of the sexes must include a discussion of these problems.

Other issues include male suicide (four men for each woman), health issues like prostate cancer getting disproportionately less funding than breast cancer, the great majority of child custody cases going in favour of women, most of the homeless being male, and men being given heavier punishments than women for committing the same crimes. When we consider the deplorable state of prison labour for corporations to profit from (and ‘liberals’ like Hillary Clinton, who could become America’s next president, is getting funding from these capitalists), and how it’s essentially a form of slave labour, we easily see the classism and racism (the convicts are disproportionately poor, black, Hispanic, or aboriginal), but we rarely see the sexism (they’re mostly men). If there was ever a form of disenfranchisement par excellence, it’s prison labour. But men do most of it, so we look the other way. Instead, third-wave feminists wring their hands over ‘man-spreading‘, ‘shirt-gate‘, ‘GamerGate’, and ‘elevator-gate‘. Stop the world, I want to get off: which gate will get me out of here?

Now we must deal with the rationalizations typically used for not caring about men’s issues. Male deaths in war are blamed on men, since the vast majority of those who have started history’s wars were male leaders. Indeed, third wave feminists often indulge in the female chauvinist self-congratulation that ‘peace-loving’ women would never cause wars if they were the leaders. The reinforcing of the stereotype of the loving woman versus the warlike male (blithely ignoring hawkish women leaders like Elizabeth I, Indira Gandhi, Golda Meir, and Margaret Thatcher, as well as male pacifists like Mohandas Gandhi, etc.) ultimately betrays the third wave feminists’ ignorance of the whole reason for the existence of war. They, spouting postmodernism and political correctness in their comfortable offices, have rarely been in the trenches, I can safely assume; not surprisingly, they reduce war to men with their army ‘toys’ playing boys’ games.

This is egregious ignorance on the level of ‘anarcho’-capitalists spuriously equating fascism and Naziism with socialism. War isn’t a game: it’s a competition for access to land and resources. Capitalist imperialism has aggravated that murderous competition; and while most of the leaders who have brought about these wars are male, the females in the families of the ruling class have enjoyed the benefits and privileges of empire every bit as much as their male counterparts have, and without sharing the responsibility equally (even though they eagerly endorse the military aggressions of their fathers, brothers, and husbands). The world should be every bit as mad at conservative women like Laura Bush, who in a speech obscenely exploited the plight of Muslim women under the Taliban, which was used as part of the justification for the neocon agenda in Afghanistan (and later, Iraq) in the early 2000s.

When it comes to war-mongering, equality is largely at the top. The deaths on the front lines are almost all boys and young men: legs blown off by land mines, chests riddled with bullets; and the survivors’ memento when they go home is a dash of PTSD. The idea that university students get ‘triggered’ by subject matter they deem offensive or objectionable (usually, such material merely challenges their politically correct assumptions of the world) is a slap in the face to the surviving victims of war, be they military or civilian casualties, who really experience recurring flashbacks of their trauma.

When people speak of the intersectionality of race, ‘gender’, and class, they imply that all white males correspond with the bourgeoisie, and that all women, including white ones, are part of the proletariat. Put another way, men are the ‘whites’ and women are the ‘blacks‘. While it is obvious that blacks, Hispanics, and aboriginals of both sexes are far too often among the poor, both sexes are more or less equally distributed among the upper, middle, and lower classes. Women are the only ‘minority’ that is actually a slight majority.

Now, the lack of access to education for girls is a serious problem in much of the world, one that prevents women from attaining needed financial independence from men; but it’s not like every man is a prince with a pauper for a wife. Show us the male millionaires and billionaires of the world, and we’ll see their wives or girlfriends at their sides, enjoying plentiful access to their wealth, or we’ll learn of their ex-wives, who gouged out a huge amount of their wealth in divorce settlements. The male homeless generally don’t have wives, an obvious point, except that we tend to ignore them as part of the male sex.

We tend to think of a world with men at the top, and women at the bottom, just like whites at the top and blacks at the bottom. Actually, men tend to occupy both extremes more often than women: more geniuses, but also more idiots; more millionaires, but also more derelicts (who have been treated more and more like vermin in recent years); more winners, but also more losers (criminals, alcoholics, drug addicts, the mentally ill, suicides, and murder victims). When third wave feminists seethe with rage at all those men at the top, they blind themselves to all the men at the bottom, dismissing them as ‘inadequate’ or ‘pathetic’, instead of showing the compassion stereotypically ascribed to women. Like many of those bitter MRAs who are enraged over being consigned to the ‘friend-zone’, these feminists are focusing on only a portion of the opposite sex, the portion that is the most sexually attractive. Like the invisible obese or older women who lack the sexual power of their younger, shapelier counterparts, there are also bald, fat, older, short, or poor men who lack the financial or political power of their more desirable counterparts; and rather than feeling ‘entitled’ to sex with women, as many third wave feminists complain about the ‘friend-zoned’, actually these men are just lonely and starving for love. Contrary to popular belief, straight men don’t want only sex from a woman; they want a loving relationship, of which sex is just a part, and they want this from a woman every bit as much as a straight woman wants these things from a man.

Creating true equality for the sexes, therefore, should not be so simplistically reduced to a matter of raising women up to a lofty level that all men are assumed to have always enjoyed. True justice means also raising those men who are homeless, victims of violence, incarcerated, suicidal, or in hazardous jobs, out of the ‘glass cellar’.

However sympathetic I may be to a number of men’s issues, though, I’m not always sympathetic to the way they are articulated by MRAs. While the feminist accusations of misogyny among MRAs are exaggerated (as, to be fair, the charge of misandry among feminists is over-generalized, too: indeed, I’ve even known a few third-wavers who aren’t outright man-haters; I would say, instead, that these otherwise nice people are unaware of how their opinions are informed by propaganda rather than facts), way too many MRAs express their frustrations in a totally inappropriate way. Paul Elam can be particularly prickly: I was disgusted with him when he made this very ungentlemanly remark (to put it mildly) about women’s softening influence in the workplace. That wasn’t an isolated incident, either, and it sends the wrong message to the world. Small wonder MRAs are stereotyped as woman-haters.

When it comes to the leaders of the men’s movement, I always preferred the more soft-spoken approach of Warren Farrell, though his grooming of Paul Elam is, I believe, ill-advised. Still, if we shouldn’t stereotype all feminists as ‘femi-Nazis’, just because of the mentally unstable types like Valerie Solanas, Andrea Dworkin, Kate Millet, and ‘Big Red’, why do we stereotype all MRAs as being, at best, crass big mouths like Elam, and at worst, violent, woman-hating psychotics?

Indeed, an example of the kind of blatantly, deliberately misleading propaganda (scroll down and read Jack Strawb’s comment in the Comments section of this link for a rebuttal of the propaganda) that we have come to expect from the mainstream media can be seen in the labelling of sexually frustrated psychopaths like Elliot Rodger as MRAs. (The media also can’t resist labelling that immature kid as a white male, even though he was actually half-Asian; not that his racial identity should matter one iota, but in our ‘liberal’ and ‘tolerant’ age, colour keeps getting brought up.) What is the proof, beyond the spurious evidence of stereotypical ‘MRA’ misogyny in the rantings of his ‘manifesto’ (in which he also expressed hatred of men), that he was an MRA? Answer: he is known to have visited a few PUA websites. Apparently, guilty as charged…

…Not. The mainstream media, in all of its shameless lying, enjoys conflating MRAs, PUAs, and other Y-chromosome types into an apparently indistinguishable online mass called the ‘manosphere’. While it is true that most of the men in this group are, in varying degrees, traditionally male and critical of feminism, such an admission does not lead inescapably to the idea that they’re all MRAs. MRAs are actually quite a diverse group, some even being socialists.

Many in the ‘manosphere’ aren’t MRAs, but rather are opposed to the men’s movement. Indeed, I remember conservative men calling the men’s movement the ‘war of the wusses’ back in the 1990s. The MRA agenda is to improve the lives of men, sometimes challenging the traditional male role (when it’s harmful to men, as we’ve seen above), sometimes critiquing feminism (because it has clearly harmed men in more ways than it has helped us). PUAs, on the other hand, merely teach men how to get laid.

Since MRAs recognize that the traditional male role hurts men, and initiating dates with women, or pursuing them, is part of that harmful role (i.e., men risk rejection; and the hurt Elliot Rodger felt from being rejected by the beauty queens that society addicted him to is what drove him to kill or injure his victims, who, by the way, were mostly men), then it is clear that PUAs are the antithesis of the MRA worldview. The whole MGTOW movement is all about men freeing themselves from the societally-induced addiction to female sexuality. Being an MRA is not about pursuing women. Ergo, Rodger was no MRA.

V: Rape and ‘Rape Culture’

As every decent person knows, rape is an abhorrent outrage that cannot be tolerated, anywhere or any time. It is a serious crime whose frequency must be brought as close to zero as humanly possible. It doesn’t matter how provocatively a woman may be dressed: men never have the right to force women to have sex, regardless of whether they’re our wives, dates, friends, or complete strangers.

For these reasons, the study of the frequency of rape, as well as how to prevent it, must be as well-equipped as possible with reliable facts. With these two issues in mind, we now have to examine, first, the media’s representation of rape’s frequency (going everywhere from the most publicized to the least publicized of statistics); and second, effective methods for the prevention of rape (as well as ineffective, but greatly popularized, ones).

It is impossible to get consistently reliable statistics of the frequency of rape, since, depending on the research methods, statistics ranging from one in two women being raped, to one in one hundred, can be found. Which figures can be trusted? We really shouldn’t be surprised that the mainstream media has, over the past thirty years, favoured statistics of one in two, one in three, one in four, or one in five, over one in twenty, twenty-five, or fifty. There are two main reasons for this, as I see it: first, there is conservative zeal to protect women from danger (this is the chivalrous ‘women and children first’ mentality, i.e., when a ship is sinking; it’s safer to believe too high a percentage than one that’s too low); second, there is the influence of third wave feminists, who are eager to give maximum media exposure to high percentages for the male rape of women (we must remember that a not insignificant minority of third wave feminists see little difference between all forms of penile-vaginal intercourse and rape, and are on a vigorous campaign to convince Western women that they’re living in a ‘rape culture’).

But seriously, how do researchers come to the one in two, three, four, five, or six frequencies? Typically, these high percentages are the result of exaggerated definitions of rape. Furthermore, the university samples looked at aren’t nationally representative of US college campuses.

In case the reader is unsure of what rape actually is, I recommend viewing such unsettling movies as A Clockwork Orange, Death Wish, I Spit On Your Grave (a particularly anti-male film, actually), and Deliverance (men are sometimes victims of rape, too–an issue all too often forgotten). The victim is physically forced to engage in sexual activity. But these statistics include as examples of rape such things as a man begging and pleading for sex until a woman gives in, ‘mercy sex’–no physical force used at all; a woman getting drunk in a bar, a man–also drunk in the bar–taking her home and sleeping with her, and her regretting it the next day (perhaps because he didn’t call her afterwards); a man making out with a girl, then sneaking his finger inside her vagina or anus, and she slaps him, him blushing and sheepishly apologizing after. It can be reasonably argued that the men in these situations have, to varying extents, behaved badly; but are they rapists? Can their faults be in any way compared with those of Alexander the Large or any of the other low-lifes depicted in the movies mentioned above? (See Chapter 10, ‘Rape Research’, in Sommers [1994].)

Another interesting thing to consider is what happens when we ask both sexes the same broad-based questions used to get those percentages of 50, 33, 25, or 20: the men’s answers also give high percentages of ‘rape’ frequency! (See Farrell, 1993, pages 339-340.) Now it seems as if almost everyone is getting raped. This is how rape gets trivialized. I don’t know about you, Dear Reader, but as a man, I was raised with the understanding that rape is one of the most horrifying, despicable things ever done to its victims, be they men, women, or children. These high percentages give off, by the nature of how ‘common’ they make rape appear to be, the impression that rape is just ‘one of those things,’ a sad fact of everyday life. I beg to differ: I consider rape to be something much worse than that.

Along with the seriousness of the rape of women and children is also that of the rape of men. It is often noted how rapes of women are underreported by their victims, for fear that they’ll be called ‘whores’ who were ‘asking for it’. This, of course, is a serious issue that compounds the women’s pain and therefore must be addressed. Another consideration should be all the underreported homosexual rapes of men, where the victims are afraid of receiving ‘gay’ slurs. The fact that society stereotypes men as always wanting sex is no help in this regard, either.

It is assumed that the rapists of men and boys are always men, thus deflecting sympathy away from the victims and reinforcing the feminist myth of ‘toxic masculinity’. Actually, apart from prison rape (in which it must be emphasized that the victims are no less victims just because ‘their own Y-chromosome kind’ raped them), many rapists of men, amazingly, are women, and it could be that many, if not most, molesters of boys (aside from the pedophile priest stereotype) are women (really, really underreported: see Farrell [1993], pages 222-223 ). Consider women teachers seducing their boy students. Just because a man or boy has an erection doesn’t automatically mean he wants sex. Again, while it would be wrong to suggest that third wave feminists never sympathize with this issue, they certainly pay far too little attention to it.

As we can see, third wave feminism and conservatism have taken rape and made a two-sex issue into a ‘gendered’ one, prioritizing women at the expense of men. These two supposedly opposed groups have done the same thing with domestic violence, assuming that battered wives are the rule and that battered husbands are the exception, when actually dozens of studies have been done over the decades that show sexual symmetry in domestic violence at every level of severity (sometimes, a greater number of female initiators of violence are found). Police records will never show this symmetry, since socialization to ‘take it like a man’ makes the battering of husbands far more underreported than the battering of wives. Again, conservative ‘misogynists’ typically favour protecting women over protecting men, just as third wave feminists do. The confluence of traditional and radical feminist thinking in this regard is truly quite eerie.

But pardon my digressions, Dear Reader. What statistics for the frequency of the male rape of women are reasonably trustworthy? I have discovered figures, ranging from one in twenty to one in twenty-five (Farrell, page 340), which acknowledge the many times that women don’t report having been raped, but also define rape as it really is–a forcible assault (the one-in-25 figure resulted from asking women anonymously in a national survey). These figures, unsurprisingly, get little media attention. Why? Isn’t the hierarchy of power and privilege in America and the rest of the West all right-wing, conservative patriarchy, which would prefer to focus on low percentages, to minimize blame of men and perpetuate that male privilege? Our society is certainly all capitalist, or state-capitalist. What statistic, however, have we heard quoted by Obama, that mouth-piece of the ruling class? (Similarly, Obama has quoted the 77-cents-to-the-dollar wage gap.)

Now let us consider effective methods to prevent the rape of women. Merely teaching women to dress ‘modestly’ is woefully inadequate, and leads to victim-blaming, which is of course no solution at all. But what about the popularized notion of ‘teaching men not to rape’? Obviously men have to learn how to curb their id impulses and control themselves. But how does one ‘teach’ men not to rape? Is there a course curriculum, by chance? Training films? Weekly pop quizzes, to keep us lecherous men on our toes? How gruelling the final exam must be! If we fail, how many retests do we get to take? What is a passing grade? 100%, I suspect.

One of the fundamental flaws of third wave feminism is its constant assumption that men are essentially morally degenerate animals that get off on hurting people, assumed to be male property. This assumption is also the basis of their anti-male bigotry, an odd position to have in a political group that professes a belief in sexual equality. To be sure, most perpetrators of violence are men; but when men are violent, they usually attack other men. Prior to third wave feminism’s hegemony over the mainstream media, people had a common-sense view of masculine aggression: some men are good, other men are bad. Good men use their strength to protect women, children, and society in general: contrary to the feminist conspiracy theory about ‘rape culture’, this protection of women is the societal ideal taught to all men; but some men fail to learn, either because of frustrations, due to such problems as financial instability making them unable to find a mate, or because of family abuse, or the failure to adapt to the pressures of the traditional male role, or just these men’s own personal inadequacies. The rage these men feel drives them to be the bad men they become, and they use their aggression in destructive ways. Sometimes, that destructiveness results in rape. Society doesn’t teach men to rape; society sometimes fails in its attempts to teach people good behaviour…but society does try its best.

That drunken, horny men normally control themselves among naked women in strip joints is proof that men in society do learn to refrain from raping women. Yes, there are some men in those establishments who, from time to time, shout rude remarks, grope the women, and behave in other loutish ways; but far more often, the bouncers aren’t needed to throw the lecherous, drunken pigs out of the bars. Usually, the men know that, besides the fear of being beaten up by the bouncers or the strippers’ boyfriends, the women who are turning them on are people, too.

Many leftists reading this will hiss and groan at my ‘insensitivity’ to the plight of objectified women. The very fact that women are far too often regarded only sexually is seen as proof that a ‘rape culture’ exists in the West. Actually, studies show that rape has declined in recent years; but for the typical rad-fem, men’s mere looking at women with lust in their eyes–the ‘male gaze’–is ‘mental rape‘.

While it is true that we need to regard women as much more than just sex objects, often enough, men already do see women as more than that. That men are being guilt-tripped for desires that are perfectly natural is symptomatic of how third wave feminism is working hard to divide the sexes. It’s one thing to minimize male rape of women, which of course must be a minimized crime; it is another to imply, if not outright explicitly say, that penile-vaginal sex and rape are almost indistinguishable (because heterosexual sex, apparently, is about a man dominating a woman instead of both sexes enjoying each other), that women enjoying such sex are manifesting an example of ‘internalizing patriarchy’, that men desiring the beautiful women society addicts us to are ‘raping’ women with their eyes, and women should embrace lesbianism for political reasons–as is often promoted in women’s studies classes–rather than for personal reasons.

If women are regarded as sex objects, I maintain that men are sexual subjects, i.e., assumed to have only sex on their minds. We’re assumed to be guilty of lechery until proven innocent. Yes, we men do tend to be rather sexually eager, to put it mildly (aren’t women, too?); but a casual glance at all the male writing throughout history shows that we think about lots of other things, too: philosophy, art, music, science, politics, literature, etc. The stereotype that each of us men is a 24/7 Priapus is simply insulting.

In societies all over the world throughout history, men have been bombarded with images of idealized feminine beauty, from nude paintings and sculptures, to models on billboards, TV, movies, to strip joints and pornography. Men don’t merely ‘enjoy’ these sexualized images: they’re tantalized by them, made to be addicted to the fleeting pleasures promised, then finally denied access to them until they prove themselves worthy, through making enough money to support a family, being strong enough to protect a family, and having enough style and charm to initiate courtship with a potential female mate. Obviously, many men fail to prove this kind of ‘worthiness.’ The frustration of being rejected by women has reached new lows recently, and men are doing it, too. Since men are much more obligated to pursue women than vice versa, I suspect that the ‘Waste Her Time’ hashtag is retaliation. Regardless of whether I’m right or wrong about that, this ‘joking around’ is actually a really sad state of affairs; it’s as if the divisiveness between the sexes wasn’t already bad enough.

Some men, in their frustration over female rejections, will resort to seeking out prostitutes, porn, or strip joints to satisfy their addiction. Others will behave like oafs and sexually harass women. Occasionally, they’ll sink to Elliot Rodger’s level. We’ll stop men from raping women not by ‘teaching’ them to be good little pro-feminist allies (whose mocking of male chauvinists often suspiciously seems like a repressed, unconscious wish to emulate them; on the other hand, male feminists often suspiciously look like they are being emotionally abused by manipulative feminist wives or girlfriends). Male rape of women will stop by liberating society of sex roles to the extent that women pursue men as often as men pursue women, and are equally willing to be providers and protectors, too.

Along with the demonization of male sexuality is that of female sexuality. For some third wave or radical feminists, women who enjoy sex with men are eroticizing their own submission to ‘patriarchy’, just to ‘get off’. Once again, how condescending the rad-fem attitude is to these truly sexually liberated women. This attitude reminds us of the conservative prude who denigrates such women as ‘sluts’. Apparently, we must still protect our ‘dainty, innocent’ girls from the darker realms of sexuality, as sorority sisters once were when given curfews back in the 50s, 60s, and earlier. Similarly, many rad-fems don’t like the decriminalizing of prostitution recently proposed by Amnesty International: conservatives would agree. While human trafficking for prostitution is a terrible crime that should never be permitted, many sex-workers, independent of pimps and tired of having their work and sexual agency invalidated, want the police protection (to the extent that the police actually protect the public, of course–more on that in the next section below) that will come from decriminalizing their work. Prostitution will continue to exist regardless of whether it’s decriminalized or not; keeping it a crime keeps the stigma against it alive, and when prostitutes are abused, raped, or murdered, neither the law nor much of anybody else will help them.

For my part, I have no desire to go anywhere near prostitutes, for fear of diseases; more importantly, I’m happily married. But criminalizing prostitution hasn’t helped the exploited women (or men) one iota (my novel, Vamps, expresses in allegorical form how I see the difference between exploited sex-workers and independent ones). And ‘abolishing’ prostitution is little more than an idle dream. If there are buyers, there will be sellers.

As for helping girls out of the poverty that often forces them into prostitution or pornography, I believe that the best solution is to have an anarcho-communist society, in which the workers directly control the means of production, including collectivized brothels; the value of mutual aid embodied in such a society would provide the kind of social safety net that would minimize, if not obliterate entirely, the impoverishing conditions that force too many girls into such an unwanted means of making a living. The remaining prostitutes, strippers, or people in porn (which, instead of banning it–a pointlessly futile idea–needs to be made in a non-harmful way), unionized to protect themselves against exploitation, would be doing such work out of choice.

One notable rape case is of a worker in the sex industry, a former pornographic actress named Cytherea; she was raped not during the making of a sex film, but in her own apartment. Even after her friend, porn star Mercedes Carrera, appealed to feminists like Anita Sarkeesian for help in raising funds for Cytherea’s sake, neither the rad-fems nor the mainstream media showed much interest in the story. The rad-fems seem to prefer the rape accusation of the ‘mattress girl,’ someone who was probably lying in order to spite the man she accused.

One could never find a more textbook example of a rape victim unfairly stigmatized by society as a ‘slut’ than Cytherea, and the rad-fems didn’t want to help; while the ‘mattress girl’, doing her performance art and regarded as a more ‘respectable’ kind of woman among the rad-fem university crowd, seems to conform more to the ‘slut’ label (consider her Facebook conversations with the man she accused, as well as her sex tape), especially after she turned on him and slandered him. Just watch the videos of both women here, noting their body language, and tell me which is telling the truth about being raped, and which is probably lying.

Before I move on the next section, there are one or two things that cannot be overlooked: the tastelessness of ‘rape jokes’. Some of this kind of sophomoric ‘humour’ occurs in universities, which are normally bastions of political correctness (as are a lot of public schools, in which children are indoctrinated with third wave feminist ideology), and so these jokes seem in part to be a defiance of PC, for shock value. While I’m all for defiance against PC and the whole SJW mentality (as are some leftists, even), I also recognize that such defiance can be carried too far, as it was with the Yale chanting of ‘No means yes, yes means anal,’ leading to the particularly egregious sale of the slogan on T-shirts, as well as its appearance on a banner in Texas Tech.

Does this prove the existence of a ‘rape culture’, then? Not in my opinion: outrage against the chanting, the banner, and the T-shirts quickly led to their suppression, whereas a rape culture would have condoned and even celebrated them.

We mustn’t generalize about the attitudes of all of society, which has obviously and rightly condemned these scurrilous antics, based on the bestial words of a group of Neanderthals. While it is true that there are still some awful T-shirts of this kind still on sale (please, protest their existence), I can’t imagine them selling well, let alone being worn in public often: the lecherous (and socially inept) minority of men who buy them will surely scare all women away.

On the other side of the coin, there are also innocent men who are falsely accused of being sexual predators, including those of children. As I said before, men are sexual subjects, always assumed to have lewd thoughts in their filthy minds. When a man has been falsely accused, his life has been ruined. And false accusations, though not as widespread as the MRAs claim they are, are also not the rare exception third wave feminists dismiss them as.

VI: Women’s Issues

So far, I’ve been mostly critical of feminism, while being vindicating of men’s issues; just so my readers don’t get the impression that I’m being unreasonably biased in these matters, I’d like to go into those women’s issues I consider worthy of attention.

Before I can do that, though, I’ll have to confront an issue that the disciples of ‘identity politics’ will inevitably thrust before me: I, a ‘cis-gendered straight white male’, have no business whatsoever giving an opinion on what constitutes genuine oppression among the groups that political correctness has officially established as the victims of the world. Once again, we have a weaselly tactic for silencing genuine debate. Instead of appealing to everyone’s common humanity, which lends itself to real equality and reconciliation (an indispensable feature of a united 99%), the social justice warriors (SJWs) would rather divide us and reinforce a discriminatory attitude.

The SJWs may want to reassess their closed-minded attitude when considering that, though I as a man cannot fully understand the female experience (nor do I pretend to), let’s be fair: women cannot fully understand that of the male; yet third wave feminists can be relied on to show contempt for men’s issues, including such impertinence as ‘drinking male tears’, or singing ‘Cry Me a River’, or saying that feminists, of all people, can arrange support groups for suicidal men, these same rad-fems who call MRAs ‘scum’ for seeking such support from men’s groups and ‘rape apologists’ (and if disagreeing about the prevalence of rape is such a reprehensible thing, consider that ‘rape apologists’ are among the SJWs, too). These rad-fems need to reconsider whose presumption is the problem.

We all have ideas to contribute to solving the world’s problems, regardless of our race, sex, or sexuality. And the sexes have a symbiotic relationship with each other: we can’t understand human experience separately from the opposite sex. The only area to show suspicion in is where human bias is too unrestrained. Let’s hear as many ideas as possible; then we can disregard those ideas as unfit when they’re clearly indefensible.

It should be easy for any sensible person to see that women who are truly oppressed in the world are those living in Third World countries, or those where such repressive practices as sharia law go on unchecked. Women being sold into sexual slavery is, of course, one of the biggest problems. I believe it can be partly solved through decriminalized, but regulated prostitution–while keeping human trafficking illegal–for pimp-less, independent sex workers who, free of the social stigmas associated with prostitution, would then have legal recourse to police protection, and could thus also inform the police of those mafia organizations that force women and children into the sex trade. Since I’m not too trusting of the police, as most people aren’t these days, because cops clearly serve the interests of the capitalist class instead of those of the people, I would replace cops with a vigilant militia in the anarchist society I envision; this militia would regularly and thoroughly inspect all red-light districts and collectivized brothels, making sure that no exploitation of any kind is going on.

Other issues include ‘honour’ beatings, lack of girls’ education (Malala Yousafzai, rather than Anita Sarkeesian, is my feminist heroine), female genital mutilation (and let’s not forget its male equivalent, circumcision), the women with HIV in Africa, often raped by men who think a virgin will cure their own AIDS, Saudi women not being allowed to do such things as driving, and all the bizarre stories of rape that we hear of in India, where a true rape culture seems to exist (or is this just a racist exaggeration?), as in Afghanistan and the rape of boys.

My wish to emphasize these problems is not out of a wish to excuse Western men of their scurrilous treatment of women when it happens, such as in the Yale and Texas Tech examples mentioned above, the horrific Planned Parenthood shooting, or to general right-wing opposition to abortion; rather, my wish is to remind us all of how much more urgent women’s problems are elsewhere. The feeling that I get from most third wave feminists is that they use these other, more serious issues to facilitate imposing collective guilt on all men, as if we in the West are no better than the patriarchs who impose sharia law. If the rad-fems really care about those women as much as they say they do, they need to focus less on guilt-tripping Western men, by genital association, with these Third World horror stories, and focus more on simply going out to those countries and helping those women.

Let us consider the Kurdish women in the YPJ, who carry rifles and fight ISIS in the Kobane region. If feminists want me to show more respect for their movement, I’ll give that respect to those women fighters, for it is they who are the real feminists of today, not these bourgeois upper middle class white women we keep hearing complain, without end, in the Western media.

Now, when we speak critically of the treatment of women in the Islamic world, we must bear in mind that, while much of that criticism legitimately concerns authoritarian Muslim fundamentalism, other parts of it are based not so much on fact, but on our Western biases. The Western media is fond of stressing the oppression of women there and in the Third World, as a means of justifying Western imperialism (if we invade and ‘liberate’ countries like Iraq and Afghanistan, we’ll ‘liberate’ their women, too; when anyone with a brain knows the West is plundering those countries for resources). Actually, when the West leaves these countries alone, they are often already with reasonably liberated women. The oppression of women tends to come once the Western (and, in the case of Afghanistan, Soviet) imperialists have done their damage, then authoritarian Muslim extremists come along to fill up the power vacuum left behind when the imperialists leave.

Ignorance of the Islamic world and its history abounds when there’s discussion of such things as a Muslim man being permitted to have up to four wives: this was based on a need to marry off widows after wars in 7th century Arabia killed off scores of the men; in the appalling poverty of the desert, getting their widows protected and provided for was urgent (Rodinson, p. 232). The problem is that this custom became enshrined in the Koran as an ‘eternal law of Allah’ rather than understood as an answer to a specific problem at a particular time in history.

It is smugly assumed in the Western world that a harem is a male paradise, as if the only thing a rich man does with his wives and concubines is lie in bed with them all day and night. What nonsense. Many men will tell us of the trials of living with one nagging wife: imagine having up to four!

Mohammed had many wives, not merely for his pleasure, but because these wives were all alliances of great political importance, linking Mohammed with a number of clans for the sake of spreading Islam. He also had a pretty young concubine, Mariya, whom he especially liked (I’m not condoning his proclivities in the least; it’s just part of the story), and on the night he was supposed to spend with one wife, Hafsa, he was naughty and spent it with the concubine…in Hafsa’s hut! (She was thought to be away for the night, but she unexpectedly returned.) Hafsa was furious, and kicked up such a loud fuss that her complaints couldn’t be ignored just because she was a woman. [See pages 280-281 of Muhammad, by Maxime Rodinson.]

There is similar respect given to multiple wives in Chinese history that is recorded in Sexual Life in Ancient China: a Preliminary Survey of Chinese Sex and Society from ca. 1500 BC till 1644 AD, by R.H. Van Gulik, on page 109:

“Our traditional habit of referring in common parlance to the polygamy system in a spirit of levity has given the general public the mistaken impression that a harem is a man’s paradise…In China wives and concubines had a definite status and vested individual rights, fixed by both statutory and common law. The householder had to respect those rights, and fulfil his many duties to his womenfolk, not only in giving them sexual satisfaction and supporting them economically, but also in the more subtle field of personal affection, consideration for individual preferences and foibles…If the householder was deficient in one of those duties, bedlam would result. And this failure to maintain a harmonious household could ruin a man’s reputation and break his career.” As we can see, a harem isn’t a mere brothel.

Actually, polygyny, properly understood, is like a kind of socialism for poorer women (Farrell, 75-76), as is hypergamy. Generally, the wealthier men of history have had multiple wives. No one feels pity for all those poor men who cannot have a wife, and are thus deprived not merely of sex, but more importantly, of love, because the rich men married the poor women. At the same time, those no longer poor women may have had to endure such annoyances as sharing one man, always jealously fighting over which one he loves the most; but on average, they’d got to live in finer houses, eat better food, and wear prettier clothes.

I in no way wish to condone the marital arrangements Muslims and Mormons have had, not only for the reasons feminists don’t like, but for the reasons I’ve just outlined.

I want women to have financial independence from men not just for the sake of improving women’s opportunities in life, which I value as much as feminists do, but for the sake of improving men’s opportunities, namely, to give men the greater opportunity of being financially supported by their wives, if needed. This just might reduce the number of male homeless. If third wave feminists publicly paid more attention to such men’s issues as this, they might not have to hear the ‘femi-Nazi’ slur so often.

It’s terrific to be living in a world today when women can be more than just a wife, a mother, or an object of male desire. But young women in college today would show their feminist credentials far better by studying business, engineering, and the like, than by wasting their years in ‘Women’s Studies’ courses, which hardly lead to high-paying jobs. Instead of complaining about ‘the patriarchy’, more Western women should be taking full advantage of their newly-gained opportunities, more than those women who actually do. If men in the sciences are saying such things as, “Three things happen when [women] are in the lab … you fall in love with them, they fall in love with you, and when you criticise them, they cry,” instead of ruining the career and reputation of a foolish man for saying a stupid thing, prove the male chauvinists wrong by demonstrating that you, women, are nothing like the old stereotypes. Don’t censor sexism: manifest proof of its wrong-headedness, and it will fade away.

Don’t complain about the nail in the woman’s head: pull it out. If women today allow third wave feminist propaganda to continue spreading, the second wave gains may one day be lost. It is to this problem that we must now turn.

VII: Third Wave Feminism Is a Danger to Second Wave Feminism

Third wave feminists tend to think that the more radical they get, the better, and thus the closer to ‘true liberation’. When they think this way, however, they ignore the dialectical nature of ideas, which acknowledges the unity of opposites. Every idea has a negation, or opposing point of view, every yin has its yang; and the more we ignore these oppositions, the more they insist on being known. The antithesis of feminism is, of course, the backward notion that women are inferior to, or weaker, more emotional, and less rational, than men.

Currently, conservatives, MRAs, and the like generally limit their criticisms of all things feminine to third wave feminism, while rad-fems exaggerate these criticisms, calling them all ‘misogyny’. Along with such an absurd generalization, third wavers assume that they speak for all women, and that any woman opposing rad-fem ideas has ‘internalized misogyny’, or is currying male favour, or is a ‘rape apologist’, rather than displaying a logic clearly superior to that of the rad-fems (who include men, don’t forget), who can’t answer to these criticisms with better counter-arguments.

Now, when the powers-that-be, and the mainstream media, including Hollywood movie stars, back up the rad-fem claim to speak for all women, and with such bizarre claims as ‘everything is sexist’, including video games, how men sit on the subway, ‘benevolent sexism’, censoring the internet to protect women from ‘cyberviolence’ (while ignoring how often feminists and SJWs harass people online, too), creating ‘safe spaces’ in universities to protect women from criticisms of radical feminism, and the hypocritical insistence on ‘gender neutral’ language while equally insisting on male-negative language (man-spreading, mansplaining, etc.), this could cause criticisms of feminism to degenerate into those of women in general (in the case of Roosh V, this degeneration has already happened). Misandry leads to genuine misogyny. From thesis to antithesis. Dialectics.

The third wave feminist penchant for censorship of any ideas critical of its ideology, while also using the mainstream media to ensure its ideological dominance, presents dangers and threats not limited to the ‘fragile male ego’ (which, incidentally, is much tougher and more resilient than many imagine, considering how men endure hazing and trolling more than women, the third wave feminist section of which needs ‘safe spaces’ and ‘trigger warnings’), but to freedom of speech and democracy in general. If we lose those last two, civilization could be spiralling back down into a new Dark Ages; and with so much of the world’s wealth being concentrated in the hands of so few, protected by the power structures of the state, the fear of neo-feudalism on the rise isn’t as alarmist as it may sound.

When some third wave feminists insist on assuming that a man accused of rape is guilty, without needing to doubt or question the accuser, but instead, ‘listening to and believing’ whatever she says, they are setting a dangerous legal precedent that threatens our modern notion that the accused are presumed innocent until proven guilty. This kind of thing is what I mean when I say they are putting freedom of speech and democracy in danger.

With such fears in mind, we might want to remember some old quotes about women, once considered ‘wisdom’:

A clever man builds a strong rampart, a clever woman overthrows it. —Book of Odes, no. 264 (Chinese classics)

Mulier taceat in politicis. (‘Woman should be silent when it comes to politics.’) –Napoleon, quoted by Nietzsche in Beyond Good and Evil, ‘Our Virtues’, 232

If a woman has no talents, that is virtue for her. –a dictum during the Ming Dynasty

And if they will learn any thing, let them ask their husbands at home: for it is a shame for women to speak in the church. –St. Paul, I Corinthians 14:35

Are you visiting women? Do not forget your whip! –Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra, ‘Of Old and Young Women’

…women remain children all their lives, never see anything but what is closest to them, cleave to the present moment, take appearance for reality and prefer trifles to the most important affairs. –Arthur Schopenhauer, ‘On Women’

This is what misogyny really looks like.

I assure you, Dear Reader, that I don’t agree with one word of any of the above quotes; but I wish to use them to warn women of the dangers of allowing the third wave feminists to continue spitting their bile. The harshest remarks of the MRAs against ‘femi-Nazis’ will be sweet poetry compared to the misogyny of the future if we allow to continue such nonsense as complaining about ‘man-spreading’, ‘air conditioner sexism’, and ‘video game sexism’, to say nothing about advocating internet censorship of trolling against the likes of Anita Sarkeesian, or reducing the male to 10% of the population.

If women don’t mobilize against third wave feminist excesses, which are sure to grow into ever greater absurdities in the next few decades, conservatives (of the Attila the Hun variety) will be listened to much more than currently, and dialectics will rebound against women; then, adieu to the vote, ladies, and farewell to anti-sex-discrimination legislation. Welcome back to college women having a curfew in their dorms at night, to protect them from ‘rape culture’. Welcome back to the kitchen. Welcome back to ‘the problem that has no name’. And watch coat-hangers replace abortion clinics.

VIII: Fact and Fiction

One area where third wave feminists eagerly look for excuses to complain about being victimized isn’t in the real world, but in fiction, of all places. In any novel, short story, TV show, video game, or movie in which women are victimized or abused, it is assumed that these fictions are promoting or encouraging such mistreatment in real life. Accordingly, outrage is shown against these ‘misogynist’ fictions. Violence against men in such made-up stories, on average much more frequent, is rarely discussed, let alone condemned.

Bret Easton Ellis’s novel American Psycho is a case in point. While it is true that the novel features horrific, graphically-described violence against women, such shocking scenes are hardly proof that the novel is a celebration of the violence. The killer, who narrates the story, is no sympathetic character, even though Patrick Bateman was based on Ellis, who felt Bateman’s alienation in yuppie 80s New York City. Bateman’s bland conformity, ridiculous taste in music and movies, and contemptible personality clearly show that the novel isn’t anti-woman, but rather an anti-yuppie, anti-capitalist satire.

Recently, we have the strange case of Fifty Shades of Grey, a novel whose real sin is the awful prose style, if it can even be called a prose style, rather than its portrayal of a woman in an abusive relationship. The controlling nature of Christian Grey, who apart from that seems every conservative woman’s dream (handsome, rich, great in bed, ‘take charge’ attitude), is the centre of conflict in the novel. Just because he’s controlling doesn’t mean the author is trying to encourage abuse; Christian’s abusive manner is meant to create tension in the story. Anastasia Steele is torn between having a ‘nearly perfect’ man and giving up one who is flawed in one especially troubling way. Even a writer as clumsy as E.L. James knows that her story has to have a conflict: without conflict, a novel is dull. Christian’s ‘fifty shades of fucked-up’ (barf) is the conflict that needs to be dealt with. When he carries his spanking too far, Ana does the sensible, if painful, thing and leaves him. Ergo, abuse isn’t condoned.

Normally, when we encounter violence against women, it’s in the horror genre, because violence against women is horrifying to us. When we find violence against men on the screen, it’s typically in action movies, because seeing men shot, stabbed, decapitated, or blown up is exciting. A movie about wife-beating is shocking; a movie with a battered husband amuses us.

When we saw women killed in Mad Max: Fury Road, an obvious third wave feminist allegory, we were deeply saddened; whereas when the men–almost all of them dehumanized, skeletal clones of the patriarchal system set up by Immortan Joe–got killed, we felt nothing for them. After all, evil men set up the system. Similarly, for all of the movie’s pretensions about showing women fighting by men’s side as their equals, the protection of the five wives–the damsels in distress (!)–is paramount. The men, even the few good ones, are expendable.

Opposition to the feminist Mad Max movie has been portrayed in the media as mostly about insecure men who are threatened by the idea of women fighters in a ‘guy movie’. For my part, I couldn’t care less whether or not an action movie is for men; being a bit of a comic book geek myself, I tend to go for superhero movies, in which there are at least a fair number of women fighters, rather than your average ‘shoot-’em-up’ movie.

As far as being a feminist movie is concerned, the new Mad Max should be under scrutiny for its anti-male content, not for its not-so-male content. The women, and all that is feminine, represent life; the men, being their opposite, represent their opposite, too–death. The ‘Green Place’ (“of many mothers”) is the old matriarchy of feminist myth, an ecological utopia laid barren by life-destroying men, who are explicitly blamed by the Splendid Angharad for the catastrophe (“Then who killed the world?”). Immortan Joe wears a skull-like breathing mask; the ‘War Boys’, with their white-powdered skin, blackened eyes, and parched lips, look like skinny skeletons. The woman/life idea is nothing new: the Eternal Feminine as Giver of Life has been with us throughout history. It isn’t a revolutionary idea: it’s a conservative one.

The only two good men in the movie, Max and Nux, must first be redeemed and guided into the paths of righteousness by Furiosa and the other females; she calls Max ‘Fool’ even when he’s demonstrated that he’s on their side. (As is pointed out in Spreading Misandry, the mainstream media typically portrays men as either evil or inadequate in some way: consider Disney’s Beauty and the Beast, The Silence of the Lambs, Kids, or the Scorcese remake of Cape Fear, to name just a few movies of this sort.)

When the former female inhabitants of the matriarchal paradise called the ‘Green Place’, called the ‘Vuvalini’ (an obvious pun on vulva), they show suspicion of Max and Nux until Furiosa acknowledges these men as ‘reliable’. Elsewhere, Immortan Joe’s son–a hulking, muscular jock who mourns the loss of an unborn younger brother (Joe’s ‘property’), but couldn’t care less about the death of the pregnant mother–is named ‘Rictus Erectus’, of all absurd names. Need I explain the meaning of that name in its feminist context?

Now, despite the criticisms I’ve made of ‘one of the best action movies ever’, I will acknowledge that Mad Max: Fury Road was a reasonably entertaining movie, and not as ‘offensive’ as the MRAs and the manosphere see it as (see Thelma and Louise to get an idea of how bad a misandrist movie can be). I consider the excessive praise Mad Max has been given, however, to be politically motivated, as well as the result of our superficiality, always fetishizing car chases and explosions. My wife found the thinly-plotted story to be so ludicrous that she stopped watching the rented DVD with me thirty minutes into it. Politics aside, though, my personal verdict? Meh.

To link these stories up and give them relevance for my essay, third wave feminists cherry-pick incidents of violence against women in novels and films to suggest a misogynist acceptance, or even glorification, of such violence; while the far more frequent examples of violence against men and other forms of misandry in the media are ignored, rationalized, or even laughed at.

To show the absurdity and hypocrisy of this position by way of contrast, consider the writings of the Marquis de Sade, a man formerly categorized under Wikipedia as an anarchist and a feminist. The feminist label seemed particularly bizarre given his penchant for writing pornographic tales involving tying up and whipping women (not to mention this vice having been a guilty pleasure of his in real life). But when we consider his involvement in revolutionary politics during the French Revolution, sitting at the far left wing in the National Convention of the French First Republic in the 1790s, advocating absolute individual freedom, even from morality and religion, the anarchist label had at least some justification. Also, he extended his philosophy of sexual libertinage to women, honouring their free right even to cuckold their husbands, as he does in Philosophy in the Bedroom; given how ‘a woman’s place is in the home’ is based on a male fear of being cuckolded, such advocacy of women’s sexual freedom is about as pro-feminist as it gets, especially by late 18th century standards.

Now we can consider Sade’s pornography-cum-philosophy (pardon the pun) in perspective. Justine, Or the Misfortunes of Virtue is no celebration of violence against women, even though the libertines–who torment, rape, and humiliate poor Justine throughout the story–are all spokesmen for Sade’s anti-Church, pro-individualist beliefs. Her suffering, all while doing good and holding fast to her faith that God will eventually deliver her from her persecutors, is meant to illustrate Sade’s belief that no good deed goes unpunished. Sade had a virulent hatred of Christianity and Catholic authoritarianism, and gave vent to this hate in some of the most creative literary blasphemies I’ve ever read. Indeed, when Justine is caught and sexually abused by a group of monks, this is meant to show the Church’s moral hypocrisy, not to condone misogyny.

Still, radical feminist Andrea Dworkin dismissed Sade as a writer of “vile pornography“, while moderate feminist Simone de Beauvoir defended Sade in an essay called, “Must We Burn Sade?”. This comparison of the moderate and radical forms of feminism should show how intellectually bankrupt the latter is. If feminism can defend Sade, why can’t it defend Bret Easton Ellis or E.L. James? And why does feminism celebrate an action movie cluttered with violence against men from beginning to end, calling such violence ‘women’s liberation’?

IX: Gloria Steinem, the CIA, and a Divided Left

Gloria Steinem was crucial in bridging the gap between second and third wave feminism during the 1970s and 80s. With her calm, stoic, and even lady-like manner, she helped weaken the stereotype of the ‘loud mouth feminist bitch’. What not so many people know about her, however, is her involvement with the CIA during the early years of her career.

In the late 1950s, Steinem was hired by the CIA to send non-communist American students to the World Youth Festival, a Soviet-sponsored event, in Europe. As anyone who knows anything about the CIA can easily see, that organization is ruthless in its promotion of the interests of the American capitalist class, as is its British counterpart, the MI6; both intelligence organizations, we’ll recall, helped in the ouster of Mohammad Mosaddegh, who wanted to nationalize Iran’s oil industry. The CIA also helped remove the democratically-elected socialist Salvador Allende on September 11th, 1973, when he was trying to nationalize Chilean industries.

Another thing the CIA wanted to start manipulating was the world media: this was the purpose of Operation Mockingbird in the late 1950s and early 60s. Now, in 1963, Steinem did some reporting on the exploitation of women as Playboy bunnies; this story gave her little advancement as a journalist. She said it was because she had “become a Bunny,” but I suspect that this was because of Hugh Hefner’s powerful influence, punishing her for embarrassing him. She would rise to prominence in the media, nonetheless, with a 1969 article.

Some believe that her CIA contacts helped her with that rise, culminating in the creation of Ms. Magazine. Quickly, she moved from the moderate kind of feminism we associate with the second wave to what we now call the radically ‘Marxist’ third wave. Warren Farrell, then sitting on the board of directors of NOW, noticed that quick change in her. Oddly, though, he has continued to speak kindly of her, even in recent years.

Here’s a question for you, Dear Reader: if Steinem (who considers herself a radical feminist) and radical feminism are legitimately leftist, why has the CIA helped them to grow and have so much influence in the media? Is that connected with the divisiveness of their ideology? I believe the connection is there.

In an early interview, Steinem spoke glowingly of the CIA, saying it could promote liberal values. Of course: bourgeois liberalism, which Steinem has always epitomized.

The capitalist class knows that in its manipulation of the media, it cannot present only right-wing views; the rich know that enough of the masses can recognize conservative propaganda, so there must be a considerable measure of left-leaning propaganda peppered in there, too, to create the illusion of a free press. But as Noam Chomsky has observed, the debate between such things as the ‘left’ and the ‘right’ is given only within strictly limited bounds, to ensure a minimal, controlled exchange of ideas. Divide and conquer.

I believe that such a circumscribed presentation of the issues has been given on the controversies regarding the sexes, and deliberately so, to ensure a divided working class. Elsewhere, the right portrays its ideology as representing ‘Christian, family values’, rather than the authoritarianism and bigotry that their ideology really is. The right portrays the West as ‘civilized’ and the Islamic world as ‘barbaric’, while bombing Muslim villages in drone strikes and driving Muslims to revenge, out of desperation to defend themselves against imperialism. The right portrays capitalism as ‘freedom’ (i.e., the ‘free market’ as the only ‘true’ capitalism, totally unfettered by the state), and socialism as ‘Big Brother government’ (instead of a worker-controlled society, without the need of a state); yet with every ‘free market’ deregulation and tax cut to the rich, the state actually expands instead of shrinking, since the rich–who need the state to protect their wealth–use their extra wealth to buy more politicians and extend state power into foreign lands via imperialism (to steal more resources, like oil), thus creating the very crony capitalism that the right-libertarians think the ‘free market’ will eradicate.

Similarly, third wave feminism is portrayed in the mainstream media as reasonable, moderate (mentally unstable extremists like Valerie Solanas, whose radical feminism during the second wave inspired much of the misandry seen today in the mainstream media, even seem to be ‘hip’), and only wanting equality (in contrast to Anita Sarkeesian’s bizarre idea that the media routinely portrays feminists, who raise ‘legitimate concerns’, as extremists); when actually third wave feminism is in many ways a traditionalist movement, frequently anti-porn and anti-sex, constantly demanding extra protections for women, while largely ignoring the need to give men equal protection.

Furthermore, it’s the men’s movement that is portrayed as extremists and haters of the opposite sex (if Anita is concerned about how feminists are portrayed in the media, she might want to consider how MRAs are straw-manned as fedora-wearing, virginal ‘neck-beards’ who live in their moms’ basements eating Cheetos–a much more pervasive media misrepresentation: look anywhere on Facebook to see what I mean). Leaders like Warren Farrell actually never gave up their original sympathy for feminism (the moderate, second wave kind); instead, MRAs often break the taboo against extending protection equally to both sexes, and it is for this kind of reason that they’re misrepresented as misogynists. (After all, giving men equal protection means taking some protection away from women; this is seen as tantamount to violence against women.) But here’s the crucial thing: to ensure true equality for the sexes, this taboo must be broken. Breaking this taboo will ensure the existence of strong, independent women. But don’t expect third wave feminists to lead the way there any time soon.

The media’s focus on the misogynist rants of some MRAs (like Paul Elam), and the associating of murderers like Roger Elliot with MRAs, adds to the same divisiveness that third wave feminist misandry causes. More and more, the global proletariat is divided, which is exactly what the ruling class wants.

Instead of promoting real solidarity among the working class, Steinem has been more interested in promoting the divisive writing of Andrea Dworkin, Marilyn French, and others. Steinem was also instrumental in promoting (perhaps even ghost-writing) Michele Wallace’s Black Macho and the Myth of the Superwoman, about black men’s mistreatment of black women; this was a book that was criticized particularly for dividing the black community. I can’t help thinking that this was the intention Steinem had for the book.

I’m not denying that there have been many Marxists who have genuine sympathies for radical feminism; but before the 1980s, they were largely among the fringes. A Marxist feminist named Juliet Mitchell even defended Freud against feminist criticisms back in the 1970s with her book, Psychoanalysis and Feminism.

On the other hand, one group of radical feminists/communists, the Redstockings, did something I applaud: in the late Seventies, they questioned Steinem about her former CIA activities. Crucial evidence against Steinem was presented by the Redstockings in a publication called Feminist Revolution. Then it was censored, the CIA chapters removed, the threat of litigation being a deterrent to their publication. Hmm…

What ultimately matters, for the purpose of my argument, is not whether most Marxists have always sympathized with the ideas of third wave feminism; but rather that, since Steinem’s rise to prominence, the mainstream media has pushed radical feminist ideas (contempt for men, exaggerated rape statistics, female chauvinism in general) away from the fringes and into the consciousness of the general public.

Now, since I believe in freedom of speech (unlike Sarkeesian and her ilk), I would allow all radical feminist literature to be published; but I’d prefer that it not be given such prominent attention in the mainstream media. There will always be extreme thinkers out there spouting excesses (among MRAs, too, of course), and silencing them would only validate their sense of being oppressed. Bringing their hysterical ideas into everyday discourse, however, will not help women (or men) by one millimetre; it will divide the sexes, as it already has.

Consider the allegorical meaning of kids fighting each other to the death in The Hunger Games. Instead of us little people fighting the big people (the Capitol, the 1%), we little people fight with each other in pointless online disputes. This divisiveness between the sexes is so bad now that, among the MRAs, there’s the MGTOW movement. Given how divorce is so stacked against men these days, men’s despair at the prospect of marriage is understandable; but if there’s any one way to stop the 99% from finally rising up against the 1%dividing the people, 50/50 because of the sex war, is a perfect way to do it. For this reason, the sexes must be reconciled.

Never forget just how adaptable capitalism is, including the promoters of its ideology. Consider David Harvey’s words:

“Capital is not a fixed magnitude! Always remember this, and appreciate that there is a great deal of flexibility and fluidity in the system. The left opposition to capitalism has too often underestimated this. If capitalists cannot accumulate this way, then they will do it another way. If they cannot use science and technology to their own advantage, they will raid nature or give recipes to the working class. There are innumerable strategies open to them, and they have a record of sophistication in their use. Capitalism may be monstrous, but it is not a rigid monster. Oppositional movements ignore its capacity for adaptation, flexibility and fluidity at their peril. Capital is not a thing, but a process. It is continually in motion, even as it itself internalizes the regulative principle of ‘accumulation for the sake of accumulation, production for the sake of production.” –David Harvey, A Companion to Marx’s Capital, page 262

I believe the capitalist class is responsible for promoting an extreme, mutant form of feminism into mainstream thinking (the same applies to the men’s movement). The super-rich control the media, and contrary to the notion that we are routinely bombarded with ‘misogynist’ messages in the media, we have actually been so saturated with third wave feminist propaganda for the past thirty to forty years that we haven’t even noticed it, this increasing saturation eerily coinciding with the rise of neoliberalism and the corporate takeover of universities (which, though in some ways have grown more right-wing, have in other ways grown ever more politically correct) during those very same years.

Contrast today’s world with the spirit of hope in the late Sixties, when Keynesian economics prevailed, unions were strong, the welfare state provided a strong, if imperfect, social safety net for the poor, the fight for racial and sexual equality was largely in a spirit of harmony and solidarity, and socialist states like the USSR and Cuba provided a genuine, if flawed, alternative to capitalism (the problems of Mao Zedong’s rule notwithstanding). On top of all that was the hippie counterculture, which–though in many ways too idealistic–added to the optimism of creating a better world.

The ruling classes must have been terrified that they were going to lose all their money. They were clearly looking for ways to turn things back around in their favour. People like Milton Friedman were proposing a return to laissez-faire as a response to the stagflation in the economic crises of the early-mid 70s. The CIA, with Operation Mockingbird, had their darling Gloria Steinem. Perhaps I’m being a bit too conspiracy-minded here, but I find her rise, and later that of third wave feminism, the corporate takeover of universities (which includes the CIA’s promotion of French intellectuals like Foucault and Lacan, as a kind of pseudo-left that intellectualizes instead of committing to anti-capitalism and anti-imperialism), and the Reagan way of doing things a little too coincidental. (Consider how ‘Marxist’ Steinem prefers imperialist Hillary Clinton over social democrat Bernie Sanders, merely because she is a she.)

We have no problem acknowledging how the ruling class used fascism to pervert socialism by turning it into nationalism. We easily see how true libertarianism was redefined as a right-wing movement, opposing government-granted social welfare. When will we acknowledge that the ruling class surreptitiously stole feminism by creating a sex war to divide the working class? When male leftists who criticize third wave feminism are called ‘manarchists’ or ‘brocialists’, this is an insult; but to be called an ‘anarcha’-feminist is a badge of honour, even though it gives third wave feminism illegitimate authority, as I will explore soon.

My comrades on the Left will naturally want to vilify me as not being a ‘true’ leftist for refusing to validate third wave feminism (even though I thoroughly honour the achievements of first and second wave feminism). Actually, I can invalidate third wave feminism precisely on anarchist and even Marxist principles.

The fundamental principle of anarchism is the requirement of all systems of authority to justify themselves; if they can’t be justified, they should be dismantled, and the anarchist assumes no authority is justified from the beginning. The burden of proof is on the system of authority to justify itself, not on the anarchist to prove the authoritarian system invalid. Accordingly, the vast majority of authoritarian structures–capitalism, the state, monarchy, feudalism, religion, the police, etc.–cannot be accepted by the anarchist.

To be sure, the traditional patriarchal family–with the father as its unquestioned head–is rejected by all anarchists, including me. And in those traditionalist families in, for example, the Bible Belt or the Islamic world, the patriarchal family still shows its ugly face.

But by what reasonable measure can we say that the average modern Western family is ruled by the father? Around half of Western marriages, on average, end in divorce, and the mother usually wins custody of the children, the ex-husband being saddled with alimony. The proper, historical definition of patriarchy, contrary to the third wave feminist notion of an invisible bogeyman that permeates all of politics and society, is of a family structure in which the father is the head of the house. That was the norm in Western society…until its breakdown in the 60s and 70s, with increasing divorce rates and the Sexual Revolution.

When we see a world where all the political, economic, and religious structures are dominated by men, we’re seeing a reflection of sex roles, not of ‘patriarchy’. The traditional male role has been to protect society and provide for a family, so most of the leaders and those in the upper echelons in the world have always been men; but only a small percentage of men have leadership positions in these hierarchies (as opposed to the great majority of men, who are poor workers), this being especially true today, with an ever-increasing minority of women alongside men in most of the echelons of these hierarchies.

The traditional female role has been to raise a family, so those who have dominant influence in the financial and power structures of today’s Western family are typically women, with so many single mothers raising fatherless children, and even in many married families, where wives are free to berate their bumbling, apologizing husbands. With few women willing to support a husband financially while he does domestic duties (Farrell, p. 33), we’re still seeing not too many examples of fathers with dominant influence in the family in today’s Western world. Feminists like to claim that ‘the patriarchy’ invented sex roles (rather than biological necessity) to benefit men at women’s expense; in reality, sex roles paradoxically advantage and disadvantage both sexes simultaneously, though in different ways.

How sex roles have created male advantage and female disadvantage is a dead horse flogged by feminists for decades, if not centuries; that’s why I’m not going into very much detail there. The men’s movement’s challenge to third wave feminism has been to show male disadvantage and female advantage in sex roles…and this is the real threat to the third wave feminist establishment–not misogyny, but proof that the radical feminist establishment is an invalid system of authority.

If we anarchists can oppose vanguardism as unnecessarily authoritarian, even though Leninists are leftists, then we can oppose third wave feminism on the same grounds, even though rad-fems are considered to be leftists, too. Just as the Leninist tries to justify the vanguard as a protection against such things as revisionism and reactionaries, so the third wave feminist justifies gynocentrism as a protection against ‘the patriarchy’. The Third Worldist should oppose third wavers, too, because they, as well as SJWs and promoters of ‘identity politics’, distract us all from Third World suffering by focusing on such First World problems as video game ‘sexism‘, ‘man-spreading’, etc.

Marxist principles can also be called upon to invalidate third wave feminism, which too often relies on the obscurantist writings of academic ‘Marxists’ in the Frankfurt School, or those of postmodernists, writers trapped in the ivory towers of university life, and completely isolated from the experience of workers. It’s all style over substance. Words, words, words. That’s all those loquacious twits care about.

The notion that men represent a ‘class’ and women a class beneath men is laughable: women are the only ‘oppressed’ group to have numbers equal to men in each of the classes of society. Imagine an upper middle class white woman saying, ‘Check your privilege,’ to a homeless white man! The infamous cat-calling video should draw more attention to the lower-class status of the male cat-callers, generally men of colour, and the middle-class status of the white woman putting up with them, than to the ‘sexism’.

Men cat-call women more than vice-versa because men are obligated, by traditional sex roles, to initiate the pursuit of sexual or romantic partners. Naturally, lots of men initiate badly. Western women today have the opportunity, but not the obligation, to initiate. If women equally shared this obligation, in a society that valued male beauty and sexuality as much as it did that of the female, there’d be less male cat-calling…or ‘friend-zoning’.

The top earners may be male, but the spenders, or influencers of spending at least, tend to be more female than male: just look in any department store or shopping mall to see how much shopping is focused on women’s products over men’s. Is this why women stereotypically are the shoppers? Diamonds are…which sex’s…best friend? It is the spending of money, not the earning, that is where the real financial power lies.

The material conditions of society refute third wave feminism as do dialectics, since feminists today generally, bitterly refuse to hear the opposing point of view, preferring ‘safe spaces’ and censoring the internet to protect women from ‘cyberviolence’ whenever their sacred cows (video gamesexism‘, ‘rape culture’, ‘gender’ as a social construct, ‘the patriarchy’, etc.) are challenged. The basic principle of dialectics involves acknowledging contradictions and resolving opposing ideas in order to refine one’s world view. Third wave feminism, in contrast, is more like a religion that mustn’t be disagreed with.

While I generally describe third wave feminism as a religion in a metaphorical sense, some rad-fems have quite literally made a religion out of their ideology: these would be among the Wiccans (of whom I was one back in the early 90s) and other Goddess-worshippers.

Taken literally or figuratively, this religion posits a primordial, peaceful ‘matriarchy‘ as a kind of Garden of Eden from which the emerging, warlike ‘patriarchy’ was a Fall of Man. Never mind that some societies (e.g., most pre-Islamic pagan Arab ones–Rodinson, pp. 229-230) have been patrilineal since time immemorial, that there are extant matrilineal societies today, and that sex roles are largely the same (i.e., men hunt, women gather; mostly men fight tribal wars, women usually take care of babies) regardless of whether men on the father’s side or the mother’s side of the family protect the family property, or the clan in general, or whether a newly-married woman moves into her husband’s family’s hut, or a newly-married man moves into his wife’s family’s hut.

In this religion, original sin is sexism, with women “more sinn’d against than sinning.” Redemption and salvation comes from faith, or ‘listening and believing’. Apostasy or heresy (i.e., being an MRA, etc.) cannot be pardoned or tolerated. The dialectical antithesis of third wave feminism is thus a seduction of the Devil…who, unlike God, is never a woman.

All of this should help convince those doubtful of my contention that there is a discomfiting confluence between third wave feminism and conservative thinking, in spite of rad-fems’ insistence that they are revolutionaries. I don’t believe that the seeping of radical feminist ideas into mainstream thinking has been part of a rebellion against the rise of the right: I believe both ideologies rose together, arm in arm, in spite of Rush Limbaugh’s blathering against ‘femi-Nazis’.

The ruling class’s tactics for keeping the masses in line, never agitating for revolution as one, are much more subtle than involving a simple appeal to people’s prejudices in favour of capitalism, male authority, and white power, as against communism, equality for the sexes, and racial harmony. To be sure, the division between conventionally leftist and rightist ideas is maintained in the corporately controlled media and universities; using radical feminism, however, not only to divide the left in half, but to make many dissident leftists give up in despair and run to the right, is a tried-and-true strategy, too.

This is why sneaking a little conservatism into feminism was such a clever idea for the capitalist class: our instinct to protect women from danger is deeply ingrained. Male feminists, typically berated as weak and unmanly, are actually a kind of machismo in themselves, for they are ‘man enough’ to handle feminism (yet are never pro-feminist enough for rad-fems, because nothing they do will ever be good enough); MRAs, on the other hand, are fighting a ‘war of the wusses’, as conservatives have called their struggle. If we are so solicitous to protect women from such trivialities as video game ‘sexism’, ‘cyber-violence’, and ‘man-spreading’, how will women gain the courage to fight alongside men in a proletarian revolution, as the YPJ have?

X: A Psychoanalytic Perspective

I believe the damning of Freud by feminism has been bad for understanding relationships, including those between the sexes. To be sure, Freud was far from right about everything, including his bizarre observation that women are less morally developed than men (an attitude based on the outdated idea that fear of punishment from one’s father, rather than empathy, is the basis of developing a solid superego and sense of morality).

His mapping of the non-rational world of the unconscious is, however, crucial in understanding human nature. One must remember, also, that writers like Lacan, so influential on feminism, are thoroughly grounded in Freud; Lacan considered his ideas to be a return to Freud. Unfortunately, Lacan has the same problem with obscurantism and loquaciousness as the other postmodernists and the Frankfurt School writers; their preoccupation with words and pedantic showing off of reading, which they seem to prefer to the treating of patients, is why I consider their ideas to be a perversion of psychoanalysis.

I believe, as does Marxist feminist Juliet Mitchell, that Freud’s castration complex, interpreted metaphorically, could be one of the keys to understanding the psychology of both male chauvinism and third wave or radical feminism. It shows that these two ideas aren’t opposites, but rather variations of the same conservative theme, opposite sides of the same coin.

Simply put, the castration complex states that both sexes erroneously believe that men have something women don’t have. Male genitalia can symbolize the perception of male power, talent, achievement, privileges, etc. The male response to this perception is a combination of pride (male chauvinism) and fear of losing what he has (castration anxiety), hence feeling that women’s modern advances are a threat to his manhood.

The female response is envy of that male power, privileges, and achievement (symbolic penis envy), blinding women to female forms of power and privileges. Castration and what it symbolizes, of course, are an illusion. This envy is part of the basis of third wave feminism, since women have made great advances over the past thirty to forty years alone, a remarkable achievement given the backdrop of women’s history prior to these advances; yet rad-fems today still act as though women are essentially as lacking in power now as they were in the 1950s, even with affirmative action for women, divorce courts biased in women’s favour, an education system favouring girls over boys, and ‘Take Back the Night’ marches when men are actually more likely to be victims of violent crime than women in every category except rape, which happens far less often than the media would have us believe (see above). Along with this is how third wave feminists obsessively look for ‘sexism’ in everything, often in places where there is none at all, including video games. ‘Men have something women lack’ still seems to loom large in third wave feminists’ minds.

The male chauvinist agrees. Herein we can see a psychological basis for the confluence between conservative and ‘radical’ feminist thinking. The wrongheadedness of this is seen when we remember that men don’t really have something women lack; rather, men and women possess different forms of power. We all know about the male forms of power and authority (political, religious, etc.). The female forms of power are manifested in their influence over children. Our mothers, aunts, and primary school teachers (mostly women) do most of that ‘social construction’ of boys and girls into their respective roles, a process that third wave feminists call ‘patriarchal’, when if anything, it’s matriarchal. These women’s influence over children creates the psychological and sociological foundations upon which male legal and political institutions are built. The basis of our psychological makeup is firmly established already in childhood.

This overwhelming psychological influence that our primary caregivers have on us when we’re infants leads me to my next point about the psychoanalytic factor in contemporary male/female relations: the Kleinian element.

According to Melanie Klein, we all develop, from infancy, internalized representations of our primary caregivers, mainly our mothers, but our fathers, also, to a great extent. These internalizations are the basis of our object relations, which profoundly influence our relationships later in life. These internalized representations of Mom and Dad hover forever in our unconscious minds, haunting us like ghosts. So if we have good relationships with our parents, we’ll tend to have good relationships later in life, since we’ll find or bring out the ‘good mother’ and ‘good father’ in people, and avoid bad people as best we can.

But if we’ve experienced too much of the ‘bad mother’ or ‘bad father’, we’ll tend to see versions of these bad imagos in people later in life, connecting with bad people, who will reinforce our negative view of the world, and we’ll ignore the good people who’d change our world view into a positive one.

With this psychological reality in mind, let’s now consider a deeper level of meaning in the word, ‘patriarchy’, which literally means ‘father-rule’. With increasing divorce over the past forty to fifty years in the West, resulting in most child custody going to mothers, this means we’ve had two generations with large numbers of people whose childhoods were in fatherless homes. On top of this, there have been many children born out of wedlock, often with the fathers having abandoned their pregnant girlfriends, resulting in even more fatherless children.

While a great many of these fathers were surely being immature and irresponsible in leaving their children, many other men wanted to be involved, but the bias against fathers in divorce court denied the men access to their kids. Either way, the kids were probably led to believe their fathers didn’t love them, often because their mothers demonized the men as ‘deadbeat dads’ (either justifiably or not). This would cause the growth of the ‘bad father’ imago in the children’s object relations, and the near–if not absolute–annihilation of the ‘good father’.

Combining this psychological reality with that of conservative fathers who stay married, and in keeping in contact with their kids, are authoritarian and bullying in nature, and it’s a small step from there to listening uncritically in women’s studies classes. Every bad man or boy encountered in life only reinforces, by way of displacement, this negative mental image of the father and of the male sex in general. Third wave feminist propaganda gives it all a faux political dimension.

According to Kleinian theory, when our parents frustrate us in any way (the prototypical part object being the ‘bad breast’ that doesn’t feed the baby, as opposed to the ‘good breast’ that gives the baby plentiful supplies of milk), we feel an urge to get revenge by attacking our parents in phantasy, imagining the most vicious acts of violence on Mom and Dad. These sadistic imaginings result in fears of retaliation by our parents, causing terrible unconscious anxieties that lead to more sadistic phantasies. A vicious circle then occurs, causing psychological splitting, or the paranoid-schizoid position. Here, people are either all-good or all-bad.

The frustrations caused by authoritarian, abusive, or–in a way, perhaps worst of all–distant, absent, or abandoning fathers, cause many of our sons and daughters unconsciously, if not consciously, to wish all manner of evil on those ‘patriarchs’, or ‘bad fathers’ (whose prototypical part object is the violent and sadistic ‘bad penis’ [!], as opposed to the sexually gratifying ‘good penis’). These sadistic phantasies, which include projecting one’s own bad internal aspects into men (the prototype being one’s father), including male feminists, and thus trying to control them, will in turn unleash the fear of a ‘patriarchal’ retaliation, resulting in the imagined backlash against feminism of the past twenty years, including ‘rape culture’, MRAs, ‘man-spreading’, etc. This leads to more verbally abusive feminists. And the needless sex war rages on and on…

What is needed is a cure to this psychological problem of always thinking in black and white, the paranoid-schizoid position, where people are either exclusively good (i.e., the politically correct pro-feminist male ally who ‘listens and believes’), or are exclusively evil (the ‘misogynist’ critic of feminism). Instead, we need to help these psychologically damaged people to develop and achieve reparation with their objects by replacing, or balancing out, their bad object relations with good ones. They’ll thus acquire a healthy ambivalence towards people, seeing both good and bad in everyone, a healthy grey area that Klein called the depressive position. In this situation, we may find ourselves not agreeing with much of what the critics of feminism say, but we can happily agree with at least some of what they say, without damning them all as ‘woman-hating scum’.

For more information on these aspects of Kleinian theory, I recommend reading Chapter XI: ‘The Effects of Early Anxiety-situations on the Sexual Development of the Girl’, from Melanie Klein’s Psychoanalysis of Children, particularly the section, ‘Early Stages of the Oedipus Conflict’, pages 277-278, pages 280-281, and pages 305-306. Applied to our contemporary problems, these passages, I believe, can provide an illuminating interpretation of the radical feminist idea that ‘PIV sex’ is hard to distinguish from rape.

XI: Conclusion: Back to the Second Wave, With a Two-Sex Movement Instead of Only a Men’s or a Women’s Movement

Many will assume that I’m in denial when I insist I’m not an MRA after having largely discussed men’s issues and criticized third wave or radical feminism. I hope to clarify my position once and for all here: I don’t want a separate men’s movement in the West any more than I want a Western women’s movement; I want both movements to end their bickering and combine into a two-sex movement to make a transition for all of us from the limitations of traditional roles to a lifestyle suitable for all our individual preferences.

Shifting away from traditional sex roles, however, won’t be a simple matter of socially reconstructing ‘gender’. This shift will be an evolutionary one (Farrell, 399-400). While I acknowledge a biological basis for sex differences, I also recognize that we are ‘soft-wired’, so to speak: mutation is the basis of evolution, and the sexes can shift from traditional roles gradually through natural selection. This means that men can start selecting women with a more protective, aggressive disposition, and women can select men with a gentler, more nurturing one.

The dogmatic idea that masculinity and femininity are just social lies taught to us by a conspiratorial patriarchy makes nonsense out the experience of transgender people. If, for example, a feminine personality is just a patriarchal lie designed to keep women submissive, then why don’t we just refer to trans women as men who, defying social convention, prefer wearing dresses, makeup, and high heels to wearing suits? And if ‘femininity’ makes women as a rule submissive, why do more transgender people identify as women rather than men? Are they masochists?

Acknowledging the existence of masculine and feminine personality traits as real, on the other hand, makes the transgender experience intelligible: a trans woman is a woman because her personality is feminine even though she doesn’t have feminine anatomy (without the sex-reassignment surgery). The same applies to trans men, who need to do more than just have short hair, wear no makeup, and eschew dresses in favour of T-shirts and jeans, something any cis-woman can do with ease.

This flexibility of dress (much more so for women than for men…!) brings me to my next point: that acknowledging masculinity and femininity needn’t require us to adopt stereotypical attitudes about them. Femininity isn’t limited to acting like a wide-eyed ingenue, a nurturer, or an overly-emotional type; many otherwise traditional women have shown strength, even ruthlessly, as in the unpleasant examples of Margaret Thatcher or Golda Meir. There are as many ways to be feminine as there have been women and girls throughout history. I’m sure the Kurdish women fighting in the YPJ are as much feminine as they are brave–and I’ll wager that they’re damned good at both.

Similarly, masculinity isn’t all about being like Rambo, who, you’ll recall, was weeping like a baby at the end of First Blood, comforted by another ‘macho’ army man, played by Richard Crenna. These may just be fictitious examples, but I’m sure it isn’t too hard to find real life examples of genuinely masculine men who regularly show feelings of tenderness. All those divorced fathers who are fighting for equal child custody are fighting for love, not ‘the patriarchy’. There are as many ways to be masculine as there have been men and boys.

Interestingly, for all of third wave feminists’ pretensions about wanting to do away with sexual stereotypes, many of them sure are fond of reinforcing them, even to the point of fabricating exaggerations of them. All men are rapists, apparently. Men hate, women love. Men are warmongers, women are peacelovers, in spite of the women leaders or politicians in history who have fought wars, sent men to die in them, or were hawkish in general (Thatcher, Meir, Indira Gandhi, Elizabeth I, Joan of Arc, Queen Boadicea, Madeleine Albright, Hillary Clinton, etc.) and the male pacifists (Mohandas Gandhi, Buddhist monks, male hippies and Jehovah’s Witnesses, etc.).

At the same time, though, and to be fair, there is a disquieting strand among MRAs, and in the ‘manosphere’ in general, that is reinforcing these traditional roles, too. While some in the men’s movement, like Farrell, want to end sex roles, others want a return to them, and some even celebrate male aggression. I distance myself from the latter, as I part company with the genuinely misogynist elements in the manosphere (consider the excesses of Roosh V) and the way it over-generalizes about women’s manipulation of men, (though, on the other side of the coin, Esther Vilar has also received death threats for her book just as feminists claim to have received threats from men in the manosphere). I want maximum flexibility for both sexes, and a two-sex movement can achieve that end while curbing the excesses of both men’s and women’s activists.

Below are some suggestions of mine for a workable agenda for a two-sex movement. It is far from complete, it shouldn’t be forced, and it’s only meant to be a contribution that can be expanded on in the future by like-minded writers.

1) Both sexes will be taught, from childhood, that career is as much an obligation, as much a burden, as childcare and housekeeping are. Similarly, homemaking will be represented as every bit as rewarding an experience (i.e., the art of cooking, access to one’s beloved children) as career can be. Allowing fathers equal child custody is part of this, as is ending the stereotype of pedophile men who enjoy being in childcare.

2) Stricter safety standards will be enforced to the point that such jobs as construction worker or miner will be no less attractive to women than to men. Not only might this kind of thing narrow the wage gap, but it might actually cause fewer injuries and deaths on the job.

3) Stop shaming boys for exhibiting ‘feminine’ behaviour, which will include allowing (not forcing) men to complain more and ask for help more; while also teaching girls to ‘woman up’ a little more. When third wave feminists learn that strength is about enduring physical and psychological pain, and not just barking orders at men, we’ll see more women willing to enter male-dominated jobs, and real equality will ensue. On the other side of the coin, ending the shaming of weakness in men (which includes third wave feminists no longer ‘drinking male tears’) will bring out that male sensitivity rad-fems claim to crave. Now, this encouraging of ‘feminine’ behaviour in boys won’t be forced, as the rad-fems would have it: it will be allowed, just as boys with a natural disposition to traditional (and ethical) masculinity will be allowed to be who they are. The idea isn’t to force boys and girls to be the same; it is to allow a maximum of variety along the whole continuum, from masculinity at one end to femininity at the other.

4) Teach people to value male beauty and sexuality on an even level with female beauty, while also de-emphasizing sexualized femininity to the level of sexualized masculinity. This will teach us to value male life, and the male body, as much as female life, and reduce the objectification of and pressure on women to be ‘beach body ready’. Women will be appreciated more for who they are than just for their looks, and male sexuality won’t be so devalued that they’ll feel the only way they can be appealing to women is through their wallets. Men won’t be so addicted to female beauty, and women won’t be so dependent on it.

5) Teach people that the responsibility, not just the opportunity, to initiate dating is both sexes…equally. When men aren’t the only sex socially obligated to pursue the opposite sex, but more women ask men out, buy men dinner, and risk rejection by making the first move to be sexual, there will be fewer men obsessing about sex, fewer male rapists, fewer men hooked on porn, strippers, and prostitution, fewer men complaining about the ‘friend-zone’, and fewer Elliot Rodgers. Women will experience less sexual harassment and cat-calling, too.

6) When there are wars, have two-sex drafts when drafting is necessary (as has recently happened in the US military). Make the hazing of women soldiers equal to that of men (to ensure they’ve been tested and proven able to handle the stress of war). While it is imperative that we end all imperialist wars for the gain of the capitalist class, battle-readiness will be necessary in a proletarian revolution, and in my opinion, a woman’s place is beside men’s fighting that revolution. When women equally protect men as vice versa, we’ll have equality.

7) Teach people that providing for spouse and family is both sexes’ equal responsibility. When women don’t ‘marry up’ any more than men might, and an equal number of men have the opportunity to depend on women financially if necessary, we’ll have economic equality. Of course, if anarchists just focused on the class war instead of being distracted by all the SJW ‘issues’ that I suspect the ruling class addles us with, we might have the worker-ruled society we want; and with the ideal of ‘from each according to his or her ability, to each according to his or her need’, there would be no more wage gap to complain about.

8) Men shouldn’t be punished any more harshly than women for the same crimes. Prisons have always been known to harden, rather than rehabilitate, criminals; and if third wavers are so worried about ‘toxic masculinity’, then reforming the prison system should be part of their focus. Of course, if we stopped incarcerating people for drugs and the like, making them virtual slave labourers, that would help. Kropotkin believed in improving rehabilitation; so do I.

Now, these changes are proposed with these two understandings, these assumptions, in mind: one, that they will involve a slow, evolutionary shift in the sexes; and two, that the people really want to make these changes. Do they? I leave that to you, Dear Reader, but especially to future generations, to answer.

Most importantly of all, however one chooses to judge my eight suggestions, what absolutely must be achieved is this: the sexes must be brought back together again. Sexual separatism must stop if we’re to unite against the 1%, who are the real enemy; neither the misogynist ideas of the extreme wings of the men’s movement (including the MGTOWs) nor the misandrist ideas of third wave or radical feminism are acceptable. (I’m sure I’ll be criticized for using ‘third wave’ and ‘radical’ interchangeably in my description of how feminism went wrong over the past three decades; but in my opinion, what was radical during 70s second wave feminism [the near equation of heterosexual sex with rape, man-hating, etc.] has become, to a great extent at least, mainstream thinking in third wave feminism since the 90s.) In giving maximum media exposure to these opposite-sex-hating ideas, and minimal exposure to the moderate ideas of second wave feminism and to men’s movement activists like Warren Farrell, the super-rich, who control the mainstream media, are fuelling the divide between the sexes to ensure that the 99% will never rise up against the 1%.

XII: Epilogue–Note on Method

I will probably be criticized by leftists for sometimes using links and source material from right-libertarian or otherwise non-socialist sources. Such sources are routinely condemned on the left as having a ‘hidden agenda’, and are therefore dismissed as completely unreliable. I have no sympathy whatsoever for the right-libertarian agenda of the American Enterprise Institute (for whom Christina Hoff Sommers, a political moderate recently praised by none less than the NWPC, does her Factual Feminist videos), or for that of Reason.com, or that of Breitbart.com, or even of Spiked! I’m interested in facts…facts that can be substantiated, regardless of whatever otherwise execrable source they may come from. As for my agenda, just read these links to know what that is. Also, though I may use a source in which one hears slurs from time to time, my use of that source is not meant to condone the use of that language; I’m only using those sources’ ideas that are pertinent to my argument. I’m not agreeing with every idea expressed in the links; only those aspects that relate to this essay.

As for these ‘questionable’ sources, we must remember that no one political ideology, be it left, right, or centre, be it authoritarian or libertarian, has a monopoly on the truth. The truth is elusive; it’s inconvenient. The truth is not fixed in some permanent place: it moves up and down, and sways like the dialectical waves of the ocean. This is why we anarchists oppose authoritarianism in all of its forms, be they left or right-wing, be they masculine or feminine.

Some would say I’m just cherry-picking those snippets I find convenient, while disregarding ‘crucial’ aspects of left-anarchism because they threaten my sense of ‘cis-hetero-white-male privilege’. I would say that I feel no need to be ‘informed’ by leftists who only read each other, reinforcing their confirmation bias, and demanding absolute ideological conformity from all their members, which is the essence of Stalinism. True intellectuals are willing to learn from an eclectic range of sources, knowing that even their ideological enemies aren’t wrong 100% of the time.

We need more dissident voices on the Left, like Noam Chomsky. Cultural libertarians tend to find forums that are right-leaning not necessarily because they themselves are right libertarians, but because the Left so rarely provides proper dissident forumsDissident anarchists are afraid to speak out because of political correctness and identity politics, though more and more are starting to. I feel that fear, too, but some things simply must be said.

You see, I refuse to ‘listen, and believe’. I won’t indulge the self-pity of the woman with the nail in her head. Pulling that nail out will be painful for her, but it will be the only way we can truly liberate her.

‘The philosophy of anarchism is included in the word “Liberty”; yet it is comprehensive enough to include all things else that are conducive to progress. No barriers whatever to human progression, to thought, or investigation are placed by anarchism; nothing is considered so true or so certain, that future discoveries may not prove it false; therefore, it has but one infallible, unchangeable motto, “Freedom.” Freedom to discover any truth, freedom to develop, to live naturally and fully. Other schools of thought are composed of crystallized ideas — principles that are caught and impaled between the planks of long platforms, and considered too sacred to be disturbed by a close investigation. In all other “issues” there is always a limit; some imaginary boundary line beyond which the searching mind dare not penetrate, lest some pet idea melt into a myth. But anarchism is the usher of science — the master of ceremonies to all forms of truth. It would remove all barriers between the human being and natural development.’ —Lucy Parsons

Further Reading:

Melanie Klein, The Psychoanalysis of Children, translation by Alix Strachey, Grove Press, Inc., New York, first Evergreen Edition 1960 [originally published by Hogarth Press, London, 1932]

R.H. Van Gulik, Sexual Life in Ancient China: A Preliminary Survey of Chinese Sex and Society from Ca. 1500 BC to 1644 AD, 1974, E.J.Brill, Leiden, Netherlands

Maxime Rodinson, Muhammad, translation from the French by Anne Carter, 1971, Penguin Books, London, England

Warren Farrell, The Myth of Male Power, 1993, Simon and Schuster, 1st ed., New York

Camille Paglia, Sexual Personae: Art and Decadence from Nefertiti to Emily Dickinson, 1990, Yale University Press, London

Christina Hoff Sommers, Who Stole Feminism? How Women Have Betrayed Women, 1994, Simon and Schuster, New York

Donna LaFramboise, The Princess At the Window: a New Gender Morality, 1996, Penguin Books, Toronto

Rene Denfeld, The New Victorians: A Young Woman’s Challenge to the Old Feminist Order, 1995, Warner Bros. Books, New York

The Third World Is the First Priority

Introduction

An odd thing often happens whenever I post a meme on Facebook to raise awareness–and, I hope, concern–about suffering in the Third World. Comments are often made to the effect of distracting people from the issue raised. When the Ice Bucket Challenge was a trend last year, I posted memes criticizing the frivolous waste of water, and reminding First Worlders of how difficult it is for people in Africa to get access to potable water.

People responded with the usual snark, like advising saving water while showering, or saying it’s bad to guilt-trip people who are trying to ‘make a difference’ by raising awareness about ALS. The notion that people can save water by just donating money to the cause, without making soaking-wet buffoons of themselves, apparently was too difficult for them to grasp. But of course, that was all beside the point: raising sympathy for Third World suffering isn’t about making people feel guilty for dumping freezing cold water on themselves; nor is it about distracting us from other charitable work. The reverse, on the other hand, seems very true to me. Criticizing the memes’ criticism of the Ice Bucket Challenge seems to shame those who would raise sympathy for the Third World, and to distract us from focusing on how we can try to end the suffering of people in developing countries.

Another meme I posted was of two emaciated Africans, a mother giving her child water to drink. The caption read, “So, you think you have problems?” Here’s another one with the same in-your-face message.

Some may say this kind of caption is tactless and poorly-worded, but I still consider its message valid, for as I interpreted the meme, it was referring to these kinds of problems. One response I received was from someone who obviously reads too much right-wing propaganda. He spouted the usual ignorant nonsense: “They [i.e., the poor in the Third World] should stop breeding!” That these people earn so little a day they’re forced to reproduce just to help them survive (i.e., to have their sons and daughters raise money as child labourers for their families) was lost on this guy, as was the reality of Western imperialists exploiting Africa for resources. He blamed their woes on their local, corrupt governments, ignoring how those dictators are simply the puppets of Western imperialism.

Now, I expect such twaddle from conservatives. Far more depressing it is, however, when fellow Leftists and anarchists deflect us from the needed focus on the plight of the poor in developing countries. Comments I received on one of the anarchist pages I manage on FB included a statement to the effect that one shouldn’t guilt-trip others about being preoccupied with things like “crippling depression” by making them seem insignificant compared with Third World suffering.

To assess this comment fairly, the person in question acknowledged the seriousness of poverty in the developing world: also, it would be wrong to reduce to nothingness such problems as depression, the plight of LGBT people, etc., just because many of these sufferers live in the First World. That said, however, the purpose of the post was not to make those people feel guilty: it was to tell all of us in the West, regardless of how large or small our problems may be, to put our suffering in perspective.

A Brief Digression, If You’ll Indulge Me

Perhaps my mentioning the following won’t convince the reader that I don’t have a dismissive attitude towards depression or the troubles that transgender people go through; but recently I found myself having lengthy conversations with two FB friends of mine, one from Iceland who was struggling with a chronic depression, the other having bravely revealed to me that she is a trans-woman. The time I spent listening to these two women tell me what was troubling them, and the effort I made to encourage them certainly deepened my friendship with them.

The Icelandic woman, actually quite a photogenic model, was unhappy because she felt she hadn’t done much with her life; she told me she has repeatedly had these self-doubts over quite a long period of time. I reminded her of the many impressive modelling photo shoots I’ve seen of her, and of her beautiful daughter, I’m guessing about 8 or 9, someone my sad friend can only be proud of as a mother. Judging by her more recent posts, she seems much happier now. I don’t know how much my little pep talk helped in this overall recovery, but by the end of our IM chat, her spirits seemed much raised.

As for my second friend, her problems seem much more serious. She suffered terrible physical and emotional abuse from her religiously conservative guardian, hardly any kind of a father, who insisted she was a ‘boy’.

Since then, she–quite a talented guitarist and singer, whose music I’d gladly share here for you to enjoy, except that I don’t want to expose her identity to trolling from bigoted cyberbullies–has been in the middle of sexual reassignment surgery, and hasn’t enough money to finish it. She is extremely unhappy because she wants to move to France, but her passport says she’s ‘male,’ and she can’t get the authorities to change the sex on the page. She’s already too feminine-looking, in physical appearance and mannerisms, to fake looking like a man while going through customs.

While my chats with her have hardly brought a solution to her problems within reach, they have certainly made us become closer friends; they have also helped me appreciate the unique problems that transgender people go through day to day.

Perspective

Now that I have acknowledged such issues as regrettably affect many in the developed world, let’s have some real perspective. Let us begin by considering this: did my meme’s critics consider that some people in the Third World are transgender, too? That many there also suffer from crippling depression? I assure my readers that the impoverished have much more to be depressed about than, say, people in G8 countries. And women’s oppression? Consider women in the Third World, suffering such problems as genital mutilation, honour beatings, denial of education, and the like. With regard to issues concerning the sexes, what do people in the First World tend to complain about? Men sitting on NYC subways with their legs spread too wide! (I plan to deal with issues of this sort in my next blog entry; its complexity is beyond the scope of this essay.)

But let’s consider some real problems, those suffered in developing countries. People starving to death by the millions each year (especially children under five), when we produce enough food to feed the whole world, easily–food that often goes to waste in G8 countries. Consider the inaccessibility of potable water in, for example, much of Africa. Consider how children are forced to work instead of going to school, just so their families have enough money–barely enough–to live on? We in our well-lit, air-conditioned rooms tend to forget this. Again, my purpose in saying all of this is not to ‘shame’ First Worlders (after all, I’m one of them): it is to provide perspective on our problems. And maybe to teach us a little humility.

Consider Third Worlders, including children, those who are lured into lives of slavery, for example, those in Ivory Coast who make chocolate or coffee for us as we sit in comfort in such places as Starbucks, which, though it doesn’t (to my knowledge) have slave labour produce its coffee, does exploit child coffee growers in the Third World to produce their coffee cheaply. Women and girls who are forced into prostitution. Imagine the sexual, physical, and emotional abuse they are subjected to; I was subjected to emotional abuse and gas-lighting by a bullying bourgeois family when I was young; but I realize that the poor in African, southeast Asian, and Latin American countries suffer far worse when they’re subjected to the same abuse, and they haven’t the money or wherewithal to escape as I had. I don’t shame myself when I realize their greater suffering–I enlighten myself with that realization.

Consider the lack of medicine in the Third World: AIDS victims in Africa who die out of a lack of antiretroviral drugs. How many die of diseases, perfectly curable diseases, provided one has access to proper medical care, mind you? With the trillion dollars that the US spends building up its military to kill people, imagine how all that money could be spent to save people. Because we must remember that all this pillaging of the Third World is done to ensure our comfort in the First World, a comfort that allows us to delude ourselves into thinking that a ‘shaming’ meme causes a suffering worthier of our attention than a suffering caused by poverty, malnutrition, and disease. Apparently, ‘shaming’ is a worse fate than death.

Indeed, another ‘comment’ made about that second FB meme, one made on both of my anarchist pages, was made by someone who actually had the presumptuous arrogance to say that such memes “invariably” are made to shame people, and that such memes’ distraction from other forms of oppression are a form of oppression in themselves. That’s extraordinary: raising awareness of poverty in the world is “invariably” a form of oppression, rather than an attempt to fight it. (Seriously: the commenter used the word “invariably”.) Frankly, I must say that the kind of self-absorption the commenter showed, pitted against the plight of millions of starving people, is genuinely deserving of a good shaming. But that’s none of my business…

To be sure, there are all kinds of suffering and oppression in the world, all problems that need remedying as soon as possible. But some problems are clearly more urgent than others, and those people who simply point out this reality don’t deserve to be shamed for saying so, let alone have their perspective ignored. When (I hope when, and not if) a socialist revolution finally happens, regardless of it being one of libertarian socialism (as I’d prefer) or of the Leninist variety, our comrades’ first priority will be to get food, medicine, and proper educational institutions to all developing countries. They need these things as soon as possible. They. Are. Dying.

We must also remember that, while helping those in the Third World is a must, leaving the Third World alone is, too. Western imperialism is what caused the Third World: all the plundering and exploitation of cheap labour is what caused their poverty in the first place. Some like to blame the victim (like that right-wing dolt I referred to earlier), and claim their problem is just their own supposed backwardness. Nothing could be farther from the truth: their people thrived and did well before the white man came along and ruined everything for them. One of the best ways we can help them is by getting out of their countries, and letting them develop for themselves.

I’m no Third-Worldist or Maoist, and I hope my all-too-easy conflating of concepts like Third World, developing countries, First World, and developed countries (or G8 countries, for that matter) doesn’t irritate the reader too much. If my terminology isn’t too precise, I hope that doesn’t distract too much from the general message.

We must always be mindful of the fact that, though we in the West are irked by the hegemony of the 1%, we First Worlders are the 1% of the world. Our global privilege, all at the Third World’s expense, has made us so comfortable and complacent that our own revolutionary potential is severely crippled, if not virtually nonexistent. The wars that imperialism fights may benefit the super-rich most of all, but we in the developed countries also benefit, if to a lesser extent, from the looting of natural resources from the Third World. Even the poor and the starving in, for example, America, though admittedly in a terrible plight, aren’t anywhere near as bad off as those in the least developed countries of the world. Informing us of this isn’t shaming: it’s an opening of our eyes, and a turning them away from our navels.

Analysis of ‘The Graduate’

The Graduate is a 1967 comedy-drama directed by Mike Nichols, based on the 1963 novel by Charles Webb.  The film stars Dustin Hoffman in a career-making role as Benjamin Braddock, a 20-21-year-old who has just graduated from an unnamed university in the American northeast, and has returned to his home in Pasadena, California.  As the tagline in the movie ad reads, “He’s a little worried about his future.”

The film also stars Anne Bancroft as the seductive, scheming Mrs. Robinson (after whom the famous Simon and Garfunkel song is named), and Katharine Ross as the Robinsons’ daughter, Elaine (Benjamin’s love interest).  While the song ‘Mrs. Robinson’ wasn’t yet in its final form for the movie, a truncated version was used, and other songs by Simon and Garfunkel were also used, most notably “The Sound of Silence,” their version of “Scarborough Fair/Canticle,” and “April, Come She Will.”

The American Film Institute in 1998 ranked the film #7 in its list of the 100 best films of all time; then in the 10th anniversary list, it was made film #17.  It was also listed the #9 comedy, “Mrs. Robinson” was listed the #6 song, and these quotes made the top 100 movie quotes:

“Plastics.” –Mr. McGuire, to Benjamin (#42)

“Mrs. Robinson, you’re trying to seduce me.  Aren’t you?” –Benjamin (#63)

The main themes of this movie include: parental dominance (and by extension, that of the “[don’t trust anyone] over thirty” generation); rebellion against authority (which came naturally in any late Sixties movie); alienation and isolation (which came naturally in the 20th century), and the loss of innocence.

Motifs in the film include water (the fish tank, the swimming pool, the rain), light and darkness (including their extremes, black and white), plants (flowers or ‘jungle’ plants), and clothes with animal designs, or designs suggestive of animals (leopards, giraffes, or zebras, worn by Mrs. Robinson and, to a lesser extent, Benjamin’s mother).

[This analysis is largely my own, but I owe a big debt to the influence of Howard Suber’s analysis of the film.  The analysis is only available on the Criterion Edition Laserdisk of the film that, I believe, was released in the 90s for a year or two, and is now rather hard to find.]

The movie begins with Benjamin in an airplane, being passively taken along, going where others would have him go.  “The Sound of Silence” begins with the line, “Hello darkness, my old friend.”  Benjamin is alone among all the other passengers, then in the airport he is seen on a treadmill, once again having something else move him instead of him directing his own movements.

The movie’s very use of “The Sound of Silence” is significant in itself, since the song’s about how people fail to communicate properly, “People talking without speaking/People hearing without listening.”  The paradoxical title expresses this idea aptly.  “And the people bowed and prayed/To the neon god they made,” but they paid no attention to its message, that “The words of the prophets are written on the subway walls and tenement halls.”  One of Benjamin’s biggest problems is how neither his parents nor any of the older people, those in authority, ever listen to him.

In his bedroom at home, he sits alone in the dim light (for darkness, suggesting a loss of innocence he will soon experience, and ultimately be liberated by, is his “old friend”), avoiding the mature guests at a graduation party his parents have arranged…more for themselves than for him.  Behind Benjamin is a fish tank, a symbol of the trap he’s found himself in.  All those fish swimming in that small space, unable to swim anywhere else; also, there’s a small black figurine of a scuba diver sitting at the bottom of it.

His father, not at all listening to him when he discusses his worries about his future, makes him go downstairs to meet the guests, all his parents’ mature friends and none of his own (indeed, Ben is so isolated and alienated that he seems to have no friends), of his graduation party.  The party is clearly to give face to his parents, it’s not for his sake; Benjamin, academic success and athletic star, is his parents’ jewellery, to be shown off to impress the neighbours.

One guest, Mr. McGuire, has one word to say to Ben: “Plastics.”  Apparently, there is a great future in plastics, an unnatural, man-made material.  In other words, Ben’s future will be successful, but also fake and phoney, hence his fears about it.  It’s all for his Mom and Dad, and not one bit for his own sake.

After putting up with the guests as best he can, Benjamin goes back up to his room.  Mrs. Robinson walks into the room suddenly, pretending she’s looking for the washroom.  She manipulates him into driving her home even after he’s given her his car keys.  Significantly, instead of just giving them to him, she throws them into the fish tank.  Keys, symbols of a way to freedom–they’re for opening doors or driving cars–have been tossed into Ben’s trap symbol.  In spite of her intentions, the sexual trap she’s luring him into will ultimately, and ironically, lead him to his freedom.

The key to Ben’s freedom is for him to lose his innocence, to go from boyhood to manhood (and be a graduate in a different sense), and feel himself so constricted by both the dominance of his parents and that of his symbolic parents, the Robinsons, that he must rebel against their authority to be free.  The only way he’ll be motivated to rebel–through his love for Elaine Robinson–is to be compelled to snatch her from those who forbid him to be with her, her parents.  And while his parents want to match him to her–for the sake of their own agenda, to create a bond between the Braddocks and the Robinsons (oddly, Mr. Robinson, Mr. Braddock’s partner in a law firm, doesn’t attend Ben’s graduation party!)–Ben would marry her for his own sake.

Ben dislikes his own parents’ oppressiveness so much that, at first, and despite his nervousness around the sexually aggressive Mrs. Robinson, he finds the Robinsons to be replacement parents in a kind of family romance.  Indeed, there is much Freudian symbolism in this movie, and Ben’s affair with Mrs. Robinson (his mother dresses similarly in some respects to her, and is similarly attractive and domineering), a woman twice his age, is clearly Oedipal.

In her home, at the back by the window to the backyard, Mrs. Robinson gives Ben a drink (not listening to his wish not to have one, let alone his wish to leave immediately) and plays some soft mood music.  The ‘cougar woman’ is wearing a dress with a zebra design, and a bra and slip with a leopard design (we’ll see the bra and slip later when she’s undressing in the bedroom); and looking out the back window whose awning has a zebra-like striped design, we see plants that make us think of the jungle.

His nervousness over her continuing seduction of him, with her spread legs, is Oedipal in how, deep down, he is as turned on as he is afraid.  (Later, she asks him if he wants her to seduce him.)  When he asks her if she’s trying to seduce him, we see him asking in a shot through her opened legs, which frame him in a triangle, trapping him in her sexuality.

A child’s Oedipal relationship with his mother can be a source of her dominance over him; and Mrs. Robinson, Ben’s symbolic mother here, is manipulating this Oedipus complex expertly.  When she asks him to bring her purse up to the bedroom, he’d rather leave it at the foot of the stairs; but the undressing beauty angrily commands him to bring it into the bedroom.  And there she displays her nakedness to his horrified–and horny–face.

When Mr. Robinson arrives, and obviously doesn’t know what his wife has just done, he becomes Ben’s symbolic father: he even tells Ben that he thinks of him as a son, and advises him to relax by chasing some girls.

On Benjamin’s 21st birthday (the year he comes of age), Mr. and Mrs. Braddock throw another party…but it’s clearly not for him–again, it’s for themselves, to gain face before their neighbours.  Benjamin is made to dress in a black scuba diving outfit (his birthday gift, it would seem) and go into the backyard swimming pool, an enlarged version of the fish tank, and he is an enlarged version of the scuba diver figurine at the bottom of the fish tank.  Similarly trapped, Ben lets himself sink to the bottom of the pool, and he passively sits there.

At the same time, though, we see the beginnings of Ben’s rebellion against his parents’ authority (like his avoidance of the guests at the graduation party), for instead of swimming about and putting on a show to entertain the neighbours, he just sits there at the bottom, like the figurine in the fish tank.  There is a dialectical tension between his increasing feeling of being trapped, and of his push to freedom.

As mentioned above, Ben was shocked at Mrs. Robinson’s attempted seduction of him, but also aroused.  He calls her from a hotel and asks her to join him.  Nervous as always, his id urges to have his symbolic mother are in a battle with his superego’s chiding him for acting out his taboo Oedipal fantasies.

After being annoyed by elderly guests, other symbolic authority figures, he sees Mrs. Robinson, who is wearing a leopard-skin coat, and we see them sit in an area decorated with more ‘jungle’ plants, appropriate for the ‘animal’ act they’re about to engage in.

After this commencement of their affair, and Ben’s loss of virginity (and innocence), he is now a man, and he lies on an inflatable raft, floating on the surface of the water in his pool, wearing black sunglasses and looking like a stud.  He isn’t trapped under the water of his ‘fish tank,’ so his loss of innocence is the furthering of his liberation, but he’s still in the pool; he must continue striving for freedom to get out completely.

A juxtaposition of images of him in the pool, with his parents, or with Mrs. Robinson ensues, suggesting the association between the Robinsons (his replacement parents in the family romance) and his actual parents.  This association also suggests his Oedipal relationship with his replacement mother.  The montage ends with Ben jumping on the inflatable raft, a visual that quickly switches to the hotel room, with him landing on Mrs. Robinson in bed: his affair with her, his loss of innocence, equals being on top of the pool water, freed (at least relatively) from his trap, the big fish tank that is the swimming pool.

His father is clearly unhappy with his free floating on the pool, drifting instead of ‘swimming’ under the water, if you will, for courses in graduate school.  The Robinsons, his substitute parents, then arrive: in the novel, it’s a very straight-forward get-together; but in the film, the scene is glowing, blurred (seen through his sunglasses), dream-like, for this is Ben’s family romance, with the mother of his new Oedipus complex saying hello to him.

His real mother asks him, while he’s shaving, where he’s going every night.  Like Mrs. Robinson, his mother is also pretty, and wears attractive clothes suggestive of dark sexuality, including the black top she wears in this scene–black, the colour of lost innocence.

After Ben ends the affair with Mrs. Robinson, who forbids him ever to date her daughter Elaine, his parents start pushing him to take her out.  Mr. Braddock is in black and white in the kitchen when he first suggests this (or gives the implied command, actually); then he and Mrs. Braddock pressure Ben some more in the swimming pool, and after Ben tries to resist, his mother says she’ll have to invite all the Robinsons over, causing Ben to fall off his raft and swim deep under the water.  He’s trapped again, like those fish in his fish tank.

After taking Elaine out, being rude to her, and quickly regretting his ungentlemanly behaviour, he opens up to her.  He soon realizes, for the first time in the movie, that he’s found a friend…someone his own age.  Her sweetness is in direct contrast to the vampishness of her mother, who wanted only sex and no conversation.  In Elaine, Ben has a most welcome reverse, which is appropriate, since innocent Elaine is the opposite of Mrs. Robinson.

When Ben is driving over to the Robinsons’ house to meet with Elaine, with whom he’s falling in love, Mrs. Robinson rushes over and gets into his car.  She threatens to tell Elaine about their affair if he continues dating her, putting Ben back into a trap.  Significantly, it’s been raining, and when Ben and Mrs. Robinson run into the house, both of them–two fish submerged in the watery trap of their own fish tank–are soaking wet.

Knowing Elaine hates him now that she knows (or thinks she knows) what happened between him and her mother, Ben contemplates his trap while looking at his fish tank.  The song, “Scarborough Fair/Canticle,” can be heard while he’s watching her, separated by hedges and flowers.  The words, “Parsley, sage, rosemary, and thyme,” are heard over and over; they rhyme with the line, “She once was a true love of mine.”  Innocent Elaine is the flower Ben loves, and her innocence is preventing him, the loser of his own innocence (and therefore of her), from getting her back.

Note how plants have represented both of Ben’s loves: the jungle plants of Mrs. Robinson, the wild woman, the whore; and the flowers of Elaine, the sweet, innocent virgin (as we can safely assume).  When we see Ben on the campus of Elaine’s university in Berkeley, we see an abundance of plants and flowers.

He later tells his parents of his plan to marry Elaine, something that delights them so much that his mother screams for joy (incidentally, Mrs. Braddock is wearing an outfit with a zebra-like design: she’s as wild an animal, in her own way, as Mrs. Robinson is).  The irony here is that all this pressure to comply with parental authority (dating a girl forbidden to him by her mother, his symbolic mother, who used her dominance to make him, symbolically her Oedipus, satisfy her sexually) is giving him the impetus to break free; for Ben doesn’t want Elaine for his parents’ sake–he wants her for his own.

Now, Benjamin is finally taking charge of his life, instead of just passively acquiescing to the demands of his parents, literal or symbolic.  As for his symbolic parents, the Robinsons, his family romance with them is over with, and his opportunity–and need–to rebel against all authority is fully realized.

And Ben sure has a lot of people to rebel against.  He loves Elaine, and even when he convinces her to forgive him and love him back, her parents will never forgive him for his affair with Mrs. Robinson, which has torn her family apart.  Mr. Robinson confronts Ben in his room in Berkeley, and here we see the Oedipal hostility between Ben and his symbolic father.  Elaine’s parents would have her marry Carl, some soulless, preppy type to ensure her never being with Ben.

But that won’t stop him.

As he’s racing in his car to Santa Barbara, the song “Mrs. Robinson” is heard.  Though the song isn’t heard in its final form, the finished lyrics do reflect what’s going on in the movie, and thus are worth referencing: we all wish to help fallen Mrs. Robinson, apparently, telling her to receive Jesus so her sins will be forgiven (in other words, this is salvation by social conformity, submission to authority, and the bourgeois hypocrisy of hiding the affair).  Still, she’s lost her innocence, as has Ben, and the symbols of good, heroic America have gone away, leaving us with the same old corrupt politicians, who’ll never change.

As Ben’s car slows and runs out of gas, so does the guitar strumming of the song; and in its turn, so does the hypocrisy of pretending to be innocent (i.e., Mrs. Robinson the whore attending church) run out of gas.

Ben arrives at the church too late: Elaine has already married Carl; but this won’t stop a man in love.  He bangs on the glass (rather like the fish tank glass) that separates him from the conformist attendees, who include Mrs. Robinson.  Her gloating over his misfortune, in what’s supposed to be a holy place, shows her authoritarian hypocrisy.

But Elaine sees Ben, knowing he truly loves her; and while her parents and Carl are seen yelling angrily at her for looking up lovingly at him, neither we nor Elaine can hear them, for their sound of silence is an oppressive authority we won’t listen to anymore.

Now Ben’s defying the authority of another father, God the Father; and after hitting Mr. Robinson, his symbolic father, Ben picks up a symbol of Church authority, a large Cross, and uses it to defy the authority of everyone in the church.  He swings it at the guests so he and Elaine can escape from the church together, then he bolts the front door of the church with it, trapping all the guests inside (we see them through glass, like those trapped fish in the fish tank), while he and his love run laughing to a bus.

The irony of using a crucifix–a symbol of authority–to liberate himself and Elaine from authority parallels how Ben used his parents’ wish for him to marry her as a way to liberate himself from their dominance.  Also, we must remember the irony of giving in to Mrs. Robinson’s sexual dominance, which started the chain of events–his loss of innocence, his breaking of social taboos, and his dating of her daughter against her wishes–that has led ultimately to not only Ben’s liberation, but also Elaine’s.

Indeed, though she remains (presumably) a virgin till the end of the movie, Elaine loses her innocence, too, by defying her parents and running off with Ben, right after saying her wedding vows!

With Ben and Elaine at the back of the bus, they laugh and grin in victory; but director Nichols wisely let the camera keep going, and after seeing a shot of mostly (if not all) elderly people staring at the young rebels, we see the two stop smiling, just before the ending credits.  This suggests that the movie has ended where it began, with young people passively being taken away instead of moving on their own initiative, and with them uncertain of their future.  After all, what will their parents think of what they’ve just done?

Detailed Synopsis for ‘Henry V’

Prologue: The Chorus wishes he and the actors of the play had ‘a Muse of fire’ to inspire them to a production that would do justice to the story about to be told.  If only the small stage they are to perform on were enough to show the vast fields of France.  For how can they show armies, horses, and quick changes of locale and time?  The Chorus asks us, the audience, to use our imaginations to fill in the gaps that a humble theatrical production cannot, and to judge the play kindly, and with patience.

Act One: The Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of Ely discuss the matter of the new king, who has surprised everyone in his “blessed…change” from dissolute prince (who, in the Henry IV plays, cavorted with the licentious likes of Sir John Falstaff) to sober, responsible king.  Worrying that Henry, of limited money, won’t give the Church the funding they are wont to have, these two not-so-scrupulous men of the cloth prefer to persuade their king that invading France will be morally justified.

In the king’s court, Henry has the Archbishop of Canterbury explain how he has a perfect right to be the next king of France.  The archbishop mentions the Salic Law, which forbids female succession in France for inheritance of the throne.  Henry’s connection with the French royal lineage is through his great-great-great-grandmother, and so the Salic Law denies him the right to succeed.

The archbishop, however, says that the Salic Land is in Germany, not in France, so the law was not devised for the French.  Furthermore, the French themselves have allowed female succession to their throne, and the archbishop gives examples of French kings who held the title through the female.  Therefore there is no reason to bar Henry from something French dynastic succession has allowed for the French.

When Henry asks Canterbury if he may in good conscience claim the French crown, the archbishop says he’ll bear the sin on his own head if he is wrong.  The king then allows the ambassadors of France to come in.

The first ambassador speaks of Henry’s reputation, when a prince, of carousing and revelry.  The French Dauphin, whom the ambassadors represent, suggests that, instead of trying to make war with France, Henry should pursue less ambitious goals, those more suited to his apparently feckless nature.  Therefore the Dauphin has given Henry a gift, in a chest, that is in keeping with such puerile pursuits.

Henry has his uncle, the Duke of Exeter, open the chest and see what’s inside.  Exeter opens it, and tells the king it is filled with tennis balls.  Keeping well controlled his fury at such an insult, Henry tells the French ambassadors that England will play such a set with these balls that far more will weep than laugh at the Dauphin’s proud jest; for no one knows what use Henry made of his days with Falstaff and the others in the Boar’s Head Tavern (that use being, to learn how scoundrels think and act, not to emulate them in any way).  The ambassadors are to be safely conveyed back to France.

Act Two, Prologue: The Chorus says, “all the youth of England are on fire.”  All prepare for war with France.  The French “Shake in their fear and with pale policy/Seek to divert the English purposes.”  In fact, they bribe three English nobles, Richard Earl of Cambridge, Henry Lord Scroop of Masham, and Sir Thomas Grey, knight of Northumberland: “Confirm’d conspiracy with fearful France.”  The king and his men will go to Southampton before sailing to France.

In front of the Boar’s Head Tavern, in Eastcheap, Nym is jealous of Pistol, who has taken Mistress Quickly–the hostess of the tavern–as his wife, after she promised to marry Nym.  He complains about this to Bardolph.  Then Pistol and his wife the hostess enter.  Pistol and Nym exchange angry words, then the two clownish men draw their swords; but Bardolph, his own sword drawn, stops them from fighting.

Then the boy, page to Falstaff, comes and tells them all they must come to his master.  Falstaff is sick, for as Quickly says, “the King has kill’d his heart.”  (At the end of Henry IV, part two, just after Henry V’s coronation, the new king snubbed Falstaff, since it had never been Prince Henry’s intention to stay friends with such knaves as Sir John.)  They all go to see Falstaff in bed.

In Southampton, Henry and his men prepare to sail to France.  Exeter and the other nobles are amazed to see the king still speaking on friendly terms with the three known traitors.

Henry discusses what should be done with a drunken man who spoke ill of him; in an indulgent mood, Henry figures the man had too much wine when he spoke so idly.  The traitors, in a vain attempt to appear loyal, insist that the man be punished.  Henry, smiling, still thinks the man’s distemper can “be wink’d at.”  Then the king gives each of the three false men a letter, so they’ll know the king knows their worth: the letters reveal Henry’s knowledge of their plot.

The traitors admit their guilt and, while asking for forgiveness, insist on receiving the harshest punishment, knowing such is the only honourable way to react.  They are taken away to be executed.  Now Henry and his men will sail to France.

In the Boar’s Head Tavern, Mistress Quickly and the others lovingly remember Falstaff, who has died from a broken heart.  She cannot imagine Falstaff being in hell.  Then Nym, Pistol, Bardolph, and the boy prepare to join the king in the invasion of France.  The three men, scoundrels that they are, plan to pillage and steal at the end of each battle; then, back in England, they’ll deceive everyone about fighting bravely.  They all say goodbye to the hostess, and leave.

In the French king’s palace, King Charles VI worries about the coming English.  His son the Dauphin proudly insists that, in defending France, the French army should do so with no show of fear; instead, they should act as though the English were doing no more than putting on a “Whitsun morris-dance,” since England “is so idly king’d” with the supposedly feckless Henry.

The Constable tells the haughty prince to be quiet, and that Henry is much stronger and more resolute than the Dauphin imagines.  Charles agrees, and fearfully remembers past quarrels between France and Henry’s family, as well as the great shame France suffered from defeat against the English.

Exeter enters with a message from Henry, warning the French king of the coming danger.  The Dauphin, pretending for the moment to be his representative, asks Exeter what Henry has for him.  Exeter says, “Scorn and defiance, slight regard, contempt.”  Now angry, the Dauphin proudly says that he is the one who sent Henry the tennis balls.  Exeter says, “He’ll make your Paris Louvre shake for it.”  After being told that Henry will know Charles’s mind tomorrow, Exeter leaves.

Act Three, Prologue: The Chorus tells us of Henry’s course to Harfleur, and that we must imagine Henry’s men going across the English channel, then attacking Harfleur.  We are to “Suppose th’ ambassador from the French comes back:/Tells Harry that the King doth offer him/Katherine his daughter, and with her to dowry/Some petty and unprofitable dukedoms.”  Henry, of course, rejects the offer.  Then we are to imagine the battle.

At the siege of Harfleur, Henry tells his men to go back in and fight.  Roused by the king’s speech, his men rush at the castle and resume fighting.  Nym, Bardolph, Pistol, and the boy, however, remain behind, hiding like the cowards they are; Fluellen, furious, growls at them to race in and join the fighting, so the three men rush in.  The boy, who for obvious reasons needn’t fight, nonetheless hopes that when he is a man, he won’t be as spineless as the three knaves he left England with.

A humourous conversation–one that exploits the stereotypes and accents of Wales, Scotland, and Ireland–ensues between Welsh Fluellen, Gower, Captain Jamy, and Captain Macmorris, an Irishman whom Fluellen scorns.  Fluellen is dissatisfied with the digging of the mines, for they are not up to the proper standards of military discipline, something he is very preoccupied with.

When Fluellen not only criticizes the digging of the mines in front of Macmorris, who is responsible for their supervision, but also makes slurs against Ireland, the Welshman and Irishman almost get into a fight.

The siege is over, and the English have clearly won.  Henry gives an ultimatum to the French, surrender, or die.  He gives a graphic description of how his men will rape the French women, bash the babies’ brains, and kill all the French men mercilessly if they don’t surrender.  The governor of Harfleur says the Dauphin’s powers are not ready yet to resist Henry; so because the people of Harfleur “no longer are defensible,” Henry’s men may enter the gates.  Henry tells his men to be merciful to the French.

In the French king’s palace in Rouen, the princess, Katherine, asks Alice about her time in England and acquaintance with the language.  Alice acknowledges she knows a little English.  The princess asks her how one says la main, les doigts, les ongles, le bras, le coude, le col, le menton, le pied, and la robe in English.  Alice says, with comically poor pronunciation, that these French words are translated, respectively, the hand, the fingers, the nails, the arm, the elbow, the neck, the chin, the foot, and the gown.

Unfortunately, Alice’s pronunciation of foot sounds like foutre, a vulgar French word for a vulgar English word that also begins with an f; and she pronounces gown as con, which sounds like a vulgar French word for certain feminine anatomy, for which the English vulgar equivalent also begins with c.  Katherine is scandalized, and cannot use such dishonourable language in conversation.  Nonetheless, she reviews all her newly-learned vocabulary with Alice, blushing and giggling at the sound of the last two.

Elsewhere in the French palace, all the nobles are alarmed at the advances of the English.  They worry that French women will prefer English manliness over that of the French, and giving themselves to English lust, they will litter France with bastard sons.  King Charles, therefore, has Montjoy, his herald, go and tell the English of France’s “sharp defiance.”  The Dauphin is annoyed, however, that his father wants him to stay out of the fighting for the moment.

The English army has set up camp in Picardy.  Pistol is fearful for the life of his friend Bardolph, who has been caught stealing from a church, and is to be hanged for it.  Pistol entreats Fluellen to use his influence to have Bardolph pardoned, but the Welshman insists on adherence to military discipline, and therefore Bardolph must be hanged.  Pistol curses at Fluellen and leaves angrily.  When Henry hears of the execution of his former drinking friend, he outwardly shows hardly any sign of emotion.

Montjoy arrives, telling Henry that the French could have defeated him in Harfleur, but will show the full might of their army soon enough…unless Henry pays a ransom for the destruction England has so far caused.  Henry says France will have only his dead body for ransom.  Montjoy leaves to relay Henry’s answer to King Charles.

In the French camp near Agincourt that night, the Dauphin, the Constable and the Duke of Orleans all engage in bragging: first, the Constable of his armour; then, Orleans of his horse; and finally, and more gratingly, the Dauphin of his horse, “the prince of palfreys”.  Indeed, the prince’s boasting is so obnoxious that he tries the patience of the other nobles.  All of them impatiently wait for the morning, so they can kill the English, who a messenger says are within fifteen hundred paces of the French tents.

Act Four, Prologue: The Chorus tells us of “The confident and over-lusty French/Do the low-rated English play at dice.”  In the English camp, though, the men “Sit patiently and inly ruminate/The morning’s danger.”  Henry will go about pretending to be one of them, to know their thoughts, and give them “A little touch of Harry in the night.”

Indeed, Henry borrows Sir Thomas Erpingham’s cloak and, thus disguised, goes about his men to know how they really feel about the battle to be fought the next day.  First he sees Pistol, who speaks of his love of the king, then of his spite for Fluellen, whom he’ll hit over the head with his leek on St. David’s Day, since David is the patron saint of Wales.

Then Henry sees Fluellen and Gower; the former tells the latter to keep his voice down, reminding him of the need for military discipline.  Then the disguised king comes to Michael Williams and some other soldiers.

When Williams expresses his doubts as to the justification for this war, after so many men are maimed or killed, Henry defends the carrying-out of the war.  The two men’s tempers flare as their disagreeing escalates, and they promise to settle their quarrel after the battle, if both survive.  They trade gloves to identify each other later, and part angrily.

Finally, after Henry returns Erpingham’s cloak, he contemplates his burdens as king, and prays to God to make his men brave.  He also begs God’s forgiveness for the sin of his father, Henry IV, who deposed Richard II and had him killed.

The next morning, the French army over-confidently prepares for battle; while in the English camp, the nobles are daunted by the superior numbers of the French–five French for every one English fighter.  Furthermore, the French “are all fresh,” says Exeter.  Salisbury says, “’tis a fearful odds.” Westmoreland wishes they had “ten thousand of those men in England/That do not work today.”

Then Henry arrives, wishing instead to have fewer men, since if they are defeated by the French, the English losses will be minimal; but if these few English win, each man will have a larger share of honour, which Henry covets.  Indeed, the king is willing to let any English go home who are reluctant to fight, so he and the remaining few can have even larger portions of honour.

The day of the battle of Agincourt is St. Crispin’s Day.  On this day in future years, those who will have fought with Henry will proudly show their scars as proof of their bravery.  The names of those who will have fought–Harry the King, Exeter, Salisbury–will be like household words.  St. Crispin’s Day will be remembered till the end of time because of these few happy men, this band of brothers.  It will not matter if one is of high or of low birth, for this battle will ennoble them all.

Those men now in bed in England, however, will feel like lesser men among any who speaks of his valour on St. Crispin’s Day!  The king’s speech fires up the morale of the men, who will now cheerfully face the French army.  Montjoy then arrives, asking if Henry will pay ransom, or be surely destroyed.

The king proudly says the French can have his joints for ransom.  Montjoy says he won’t ask for ransom again, but Henry fears he’ll be back again.

The battle begins.  The English longbow is very effective in cutting down the superior numbers of the French.  There is a comical scene with Pistol trying to communicate with a French soldier who surrenders and, knowing neither English nor what a cowardly rascal Pistol is, fears him.  The boy, who knows French, translates for them.

The French feel terrible disgrace at their defeat.  The Dauphin, Constable, and Orleans all lament their “perdurable shame.”

Later, Fluellen returns to the English camp and finds that the French have killed all the boys who were guarding the luggage!  He mourns their deaths, angrily calling this despicable act of cowardice “expressly against the law of arms” and an “arrant…piece of knavery.”  Henry is enraged at the sight of the boys’ corpses, and when Montjoy reappears, the king rails at him, assuming he wants to ask for ransom again; but he tells Henry that the English have won the battle.

Williams passes by, and Henry, recognizing his glove in Williams’s cap, asks him of it; Williams explains that it is the glove of “a rascal that swagger’d” with him, and whom he will fight, if he has survived the battle.  Williams leaves, and Henry asks Fluellen to wear Williams’s glove in his cap, and if anyone should challenge him by the glove, the challenger is an enemy to the king.  Fluellen is to apprehend such a villain, if he truly loves his king.

Soon enough, Williams meets with Fluellen, and assuming the Welshman to be the man he quarreled with the night before, challenges him to a fight.  Their altercation catches the attention of the king, who then makes it known to Williams that he was the other man in the previous night’s quarrel.  Embarrassed, Williams insists he meant no conscious offense to the king, and begs his pardon.

Later, a list of all the dead is shown Henry, and he is amazed at so many French dead, including many knights, esquires, and noblemen: “a royal fellowship of death!”  Even more amazing is how few English died: four of name, “and of all other men/But five and twenty.”

Convinced that God has fought the battle for the English, Henry forbids any to boast of this victory, which has been God’s only.  Non nobis and Te Deum are to be sung.

Act Five, Prologue: The Chorus tells of Henry’s return to England, and though his people would have him bask in his glorious victory over France, he forbids it, saying the victory was God’s.  Then Henry will return to France to settle a peace treaty there.

On St. David’s Day, Fluellen has a leek in his hat; he knows of Pistol’s threat to hit him on the head with his leek, and tells Gower he wishes to confront the scoundrel.  Pistol arrives, and Fluellen hits him on the head with the leek, then force-feeds it to him, all while Gower watches his humiliation.  After Fluellen and Gower leave, Pistol mourns the death of his wife, Nell Quickly.  He says, “To England will I steal, and there I’ll steal.”  Then he’ll lie to everyone that the scars he got were from the war in France.

In the final scene, Henry meets with King Charles and his queen to discuss the terms of the peace treaty.  The Duke of Burgundy laments the destruction that this war has caused France.  Everyone leaves to work out and sign the treaty, leaving only Henry, Princess Katherine, and Alice.

Henry begins a comically awkward wooing of the princess, whose English has improved somewhat, but is still far from fluent.  He asks, “Do you like me, Kate?”  She says, “I cannot tell vat is like me.”  He says, “An angel is like you, Kate, and you are like an angel.”

She wonders if she can love the “enemy of France.”  He says it isn’t possible, but to love him is to love the friend of France, for he loves France so much that he won’t part with one village of it.  Then he tries to woo her in French, which is as clumsily spoken as her broken English.  He can move her in French only to laugh at him.

Still he asks, “wilt thou have me?”  She says she must have the consent of her father the king; Henry assures her she’ll get his consent.

Finally, he asks to kiss her hand, then her lips, but in her maidenly modesty she says it isn’t the custom of France for girls to kiss before marriage.  He insists that kings and queens make the customs rather than bow to them.  Then they kiss.

The others return, the terms of the peace treaty are all agreed on, and Henry and Katherine are to be married.

The Chorus ends by reminding us of how Henry soon died, leaving his infant son, Henry VI, his successor; and the mismanagement of the throne by quarreling politicians caused England to lose France.  This story, of course, was already staged in the Henry VI plays.

Analysis of ‘Henry V’

Henry V is a history play that Shakespeare wrote in about 1599.  It is part of the second of two tetralogies he wrote to chronicle the history of England’s kings.  The first tetralogy, among his very first plays, were Henry VI, parts one, two, and three, and Richard III, his first great play; the second tetralogy dealt with the years before the first, and are thus a ‘prequel tetralogy,’ so to speak–Richard II, Henry IV, parts one and two, and Henry V.  While most of these plays are dark and gloomy, sometimes even tragic in tone (indeed, Richard III is fully titled The Tragedy of King Richard III), Henry V is largely the one ray of sunshine in the whole cloudy chronicling.

Here are some famous quotes:

1. “O for a Muse of fire, that would ascend/The brightest heaven of invention.” –Chorus, Prologue to Act I, lines 1-2

2. “We are glad the Dauphin is so pleasant with us;/His present and your pains we thank you for./When we have match’d our rackets to these balls,/We will in France, by God’s grace, play a set/Shall strike his father’s crown into the hazard.” –Henry, Act I, scene ii, lines 259-263

3. “Once more unto the breach, dear friends, once more;/Or close the wall up with our English dead./In peace there’s nothing so becomes a man/As modest stillness and humility;/But when the blast of war blows in our ears,/Then imitate the action of the tiger.” –Henry, III, i, 1-6

4. “This story shall the good man teach his son;/And Crispin Crispian shall ne’er go by,/From this day to the ending of the world,/But we in it shall be remembered–/We few, we happy few, we band of brothers;/For he today that sheds his blood with me/Shall be my brother; be he ne’er so vile,/This day shall gentle his condition;/And gentlemen in England now a-bed/Shall think themselves accurs’d they were not here,/And hold their manhoods cheap whiles any speaks/That fought with us upon Saint Crispin’s day.” –Henry, IV, iii, 56-67

The main theme running through this play is that of pride, in all of its variations and permutations: arrogant, overweening pride, wounded pride, honour, shame, humility, and even maidenly bashfulness.

The play opens with the Chorus humbly admitting that an Elizabethan stage cannot properly show the vast fields of France (see Quote #1, above), or a battle with hundreds of knights either marching or on horseback.  Thus, with the play’s producers’ pride held firmly in check, the Chorus, speaking on their behalf, asks us, the audience, to use our imaginations to fill in the play’s imperfections, and to judge it kindly.

When King Henry V is presented with tennis balls, a gift meant as a slur on his abilities as a king, his pride is wounded (see Quote #2).  The sender of this insulting gift is the arrogant Dauphin of France, next in line to be the French king…except for Henry.  While feeling his power threatened by King Henry’s plans to invade France and claim the country as his by right, the Dauphin haughtily presumes that Henry is the same reputedly dissolute youth of his earlier years as a prince, and imagines Henry must be a similarly feckless king now.

With the ‘moral’ sanction of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Ely (who would rather their king invade and loot France, causing death and destruction there, than deprive the English Church of funds, for such is the arrogance of the Church’s sense of entitlement), and now angered by the Dauphin’s proud provocation, King Henry promises to “play a set” with those tennis balls that will so shock the Dauphin as to turn his pride into shame.

Speaking of shame, when the king is in Southampton preparing to cross the English Channel to France with his men, he uncovers a plot engineered by three traitors, Richard Earl of Cambridge, Henry Lord Scroop of Masham, and Sir Thomas Grey, who have been suborned by France to kill Henry.  When his knowledge of the plot against him is shown to the traitors, they admit to their guilt and shame, wishing only death for themselves, as their pride knows that receiving the death penalty willingly is the only honourable way out.

Other dishonourable knaves in the play show their pride in other ways.  Nym and Pistol squabble over who gets to have Mistress Quickly, hostess of the Boar’s Head tavern.  Pistol has already married her, but Nym is too proud to accept this.  Pistol comments on Nym’s excessive pride, saying, “O braggart vile and damned furious wight!”  A swordfight between them is stopped just in time by Bardolph.

Meanwhile, in France, the Dauphin continues to scoff at what he considers Henry’s weak resolution, saying the French court should consider the preparation for war to be little more than “a Whitsun morris-dance.”  Even his fellow courtiers cannot endure his presumption.  The king of France humbly holds his pride firmly in check when he acknowledges the strength of Henry and his family, who have shaken and shamed France in defeats in war in the past.  Indeed, the other courtiers (apart from the Dauphin) realize how much Henry has changed, and the Duke of Exeter, visiting the French king, relays the contempt of the English onto the proud Dauphin.

Already in France, Henry’s men have besieged the castle in Harfleur, where he urges them to carry on fighting (see Quote #3).  During peacetime, it is proper to be modest; but during war, one should fight as proudly as a tiger.

Later during that scene, we see such soldiers as the Welsh Fluellen and the Irish Macmorris proudly arguing over whether Ireland is deserving of the scorn Fluellen gives her, and whether Macmorris’s supervision of the digging of the mines is up to standard in “the disciplines of the war”.

The French princess and Alice discuss learning English; but the French princess is shocked at how some English words sound dangerously close to certain rude words in French.  Namely, Alice mispronounces ‘gown’ as ‘con,’ a French word that refers to a certain part of the female anatomy–one that in English also begins with a c; the other word, ‘foot,’ is mispronounced so as to sound like the French word for a certain intimate bedroom activity, a word for which the English equivalent also begins with an f.  The princess’s pride would rather not allow her to degrade herself by saying words of such an immodest sound.

When the French learn of Henry’s victory at Harfleur, they feel their pride wounded, and fearing that their women will dishonour them by preferring Englishmen as lovers who will litter France with bastard sons, the French king will have his army meet Henry’s with their “sharp defiance,” and his herald, Montjoy, is to send Henry a warning: either pay a ransom for the damages he’s caused France, or be her prisoner.  The Dauphin’s pride is wounded at not being allowed by his father, for the moment, to join the other French to fight Henry.

Montjoy meets with Henry and gives him the French king’s warning, saying proudly, “Though we seem’d dead, we did but sleep; advantage is a better soldier than rashness. Tell him we could have rebuk’d him at Harfleur, but that we thought not good to bruise an injury till it were full ripe. Now we speak upon our cue, and our voice is imperial.”

Henry proudly replies, “forgive me, God,/That I do brag thus! This your air of France/Hath blown that vice in me. I must repent./Go therefore, tell thy master here I am;/My ransom is this frail and worthless trunk,/My army but a weak and sickly guard;/Yet, God before, tell him we will come on,/Though France himself and such another neighbour/Stand in our way.”

On the night before the battle of Agincourt, in a tent in the French camp, the nobles all show proud impatience for the sun to come up, so they can kill the English and prove the valour of the French.  The Constable brags that he has “the best armour of the world,” and the Duke of Orleans brags of his horse; but the Dauphin’s boasting of his horse is so excessive that it annoys the other French nobles.

Meanwhile, in a tent in the English camp, Henry borrows a cloak from Sir Thomas Erpingham to cover himself with, and thus keep his identity unknown to his men as he goes about to learn of their true feelings about him and the next day’s battle.  In bringing himself down to their level, he briefly forgoes his royal dignity and pride, and humbles himself, for he needs to know how his men really feel.  And with “A largess universal” he “doth give to every one…A little touch of Harry in the night.”

When he encounters Williams’s proud disdain of the king’s–to him–questionable justification for war, and the risk of his men’s lives, Henry gets angry, and the two proud men agree to a personal quarrel after the battle, if both men survive.

The next morning, the English are daunted by the far greater number of French adversaries they must face.  Then King Henry approaches, and in his St. Crispin’s Day speech (see Quote #4), he proudly speaks of how he covets honour, greedily wanting as large a portion for himself, and for each of his men–however smaller a number they may be in total–as possible.  Indeed, he is content to allow any men without a stomach for the immanent battle to return to England.  And those men in bed in England on this day will, in the future, feel greatly wounded pride in the presence of any who have fought with the king on St. Crispin’s Day.

This rousing speech fires up the pride of Henry’s men, whose fear has been changed to steely valour.  In the ensuing battle, their smaller number gloriously defeats the over-confident French (thanks in no small part to the English archers and their use of the effective English longbow).  The pride of the French changes to the heaviest shame.

Their shame increases by their ignominious act of killing all the boys in the English camp, a deed that infuriates King Henry.  But when he learns of the huge number of dead French as against the small number of English dead, he forbids himself pride, insisting instead that God won the battle for him.  He has his men sing ‘Non nobis’ and ‘Te Deum’ to show their humble thanks to God.  After this moment of humility, Williams is made to realize that the man he was to quarrel with would have been the king himself, and Williams must humbly beg Henry’s forgiveness.

Later, Fluellen makes Pistol, who has insulted the Welsh, swallow his pride by force-feeding him a leek, the symbol of Wales.

When the English and French kings meet, with their respective nobles, to go over the terms of the peace treaty, Henry has a private meeting with the French princess, whom he hopes to marry.  As he woos her in English, she replies in her still far-from-perfect English; then he swallows some pride in speaking just-as-broken French, moving her only to laugh at him.

Finally, he asks to kiss her, but her maidenly modesty won’t permit her to do so, for her pride won’t allow her to dishonour herself.  But he proudly insists that kings and (future) queens are the makers of manners (“nice customs curtsy to great kings”), and then gets a kiss from her.

The play ends with the Chorus reminding us of how England, after her glorious victory over the French, all too soon would feel her pride wounded when the poorly-managed English kingdom of the child King Henry VI would lose France.  This story, of course, had been presented many times on the London stage, in the Henry VI tetralogy mentioned above.

Neoliberalism’s Unwitting Dupes

Introduction

About half a year before the beginning preparations for this essay, I published another called The ‘Right’ Definition of Socialism?  I received a generally positive response to it (from the few who actually read it); about the only criticisms I got from it at the time were my clumsy conflating of the terms ‘social democracy’ and ‘democratic socialism,’ as well as my far-too-facile description of the Nordic model as socialist (social democratic was what I meant), when the Scandinavian countries’ political and economic systems would be more accurately described as hybrids of capitalism with strong welfare states.  Oh, well: no blogger is perfect.

I did get one other criticism, though.  It came from a free marketeer who, in a brief rant, called my arguments “silly”; apparently fond of that word, he used it several times in the paragraph he typed.  From what I gather, he’d read only to the passage where I said, “we’ve been drowning in [laissez-faire] for over thirty years,” and decided that what I’d been arguing was so “silly” that he didn’t need to read any further, where I would eventually explain what I meant, namely, that the ‘free market’ has been increasingly dominating world politics and economics since the 70s and 80s.  No criticism of what I said later was ever mentioned.  So, he probably read about one-fifth of my essay, and felt he knew my entire argument just from having read that much.  Hmm…

What was the basis of his judgement that my line of argument was “silly”?  As any ‘anarcho’-capitalist will tell us, it is “impossible” (his word, I must emphasize) for the free market and the state to coexist; bear in mind that later in my essay, I not only explained how they can coexist, but also must coexist.  He addressed none of that section in his rant, hence my very safe assumption that he never read that far (unless his cognitive dissonance conveniently blotted out that part from his memory).

He then accused my writing style of having been full of “histrionics”: now I’m aware that I’d used exclamation marks and italics occasionally, but I’m not aware that my arguing had involved histrionics (just as I suspect he wasn’t aware of his own histrionics in his rant against me).  I’ll leave it to you, dear reader, to judge whether my writing of that essay, as well as this one, is a flurry of “histrionics”.

He finished off his rant by dropping a number of names of writers for me to read, and therefore enlighten my terribly uninformed mind.  I’m afraid I never bothered to commit those names to memory, so I suppose I’ll never enjoy that enlightenment (perhaps if he’d simply told me what insights those writers had for me, instead of just giving me a reading list, I would have been more convinced of his point of view, one that, frankly, was even more weakly argued than the one I’d got from the Facebook troll who inspired my last essay).  Therefore, still shrouded in ignorance, I will respond to his position in this essay.  After all, the following arguments, already largely dealt with in my previous essay, obviously must be given with more emphasis and elaboration to cut through all that cognitive dissonance.

I: Not a Laughing Matter

It is easy to laugh at right-libertarians and their naive, ill-informed opinions, but there’s actually a danger with so many people thinking the ‘free market’, with its ever-increasing deregulation and ending of provisions for the poor and disadvantaged, is the solution to contemporary problems.  More chimeric still is the idea that the free market will end crony capitalism instead of intensifying it.  This delusion of free marketeers only adds to the neoliberal agenda.

On Facebook pages like Still Laughing at ‘Anarcho’-Capitalism (SLANCAP) and Ancap vs. Ancom Debate, anarcho-communists (an-coms) and anarcho-syndicalists like me, indeed, laugh at the ideology of ‘anarcho’-capitalists (an-caps), who really should just call themselves capitalists or free marketeers, since, as I explained in my previous essay, and will again explain below (for such is an-caps’ adamant refusal to listen that these explanations must be ever repeated), anarchism and capitalism cannot coexist.

Now, Martin Luther used to propose laughing at the Devil to make him go away; but the advocacy of capitalism is a kind of ‘devil’ we leftists cannot get rid of merely by laughing at it, as the admins of SLANCAP have observed of every annoying an-cap troll on that page.

However clownish my comrades and I may find the free marketeers’ feeble attempts at logic, churned out like so many fetishized commodities, we must remember that those fools are really the useful idiots of the very cronies they claim to be opposed to, as I will try to prove.  It doesn’t matter how well we can out-argue them: they are unwittingly helping the mindless capitalism that is destroying everything.

II: The Relationship Between the State and Capitalism

An-caps dream about a stateless capitalist society, but anyone with a brain knows such an idea is beyond utopian.  Capitalists need the state, its laws, and police enforcement to protect private property.  This isn’t rocket science: it’s common sense, and it is why many socialists are also, like me, anarchists…the genuine kind.

On the other side of the coin, if the state seizes control of the means of production (nationalization), instead of the workers taking control (as we anarcho-communists would have it), capitalism still wouldn’t disappear.  Instead, the state would simply become the new capitalists.  The socialist state might use government revenue generously and create universal healthcare and education, as well as other welfare programs to help the poor, but the state would still be the new boss.  Indeed, Milovan Dilas’s New Class theory is all about how the bureaucratized Soviet Union created a new ruling class (the Nomenklatura) in spite of its promise to create a classless society.  Similarly, countries with mixed economies can each be seen as a kind of state capitalism, with their mix of private and state control of the means of production.

So as we can see, the state and capitalism are always together in some form or another.  They are eternal lovers, and so to get rid of the one, we must get rid of the other.  Both Romeo and Juliet must die.  Even Marxist-Leninists, in a way, imply an acknowledgement of this reality in their theorizing.  Once all capitalist societies around the world are annihilated, all the transitional socialist states–set up to replace the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie with that of the proletariat–will become superfluous.  The state won’t be abolished, Marx and Engels say, it will die out.  It will wither away.  No more capitalism, so no more state.

The common explanation given by the average an-cap to explain our current–and ongoing–political and economic woes is to claim that the cause isn’t capitalism per se, but rather ‘crony capitalism,’ or ‘corporatism.’  To leftists, such verbiage is redundant.  Now for the an-cap, the solution isn’t to eradicate capitalism, but to ‘purity’ it somehow.  As the free marketeer sees it, the current incarnation of capitalism is controlled by the state, and therefore corrupted.  What he cannot see is that he has the problem upside-down: it is capitalism that is directing the state; this is how things have been ever since capitalism emerged and began replacing feudalism several centuries ago.

An-caps imagine that the solution to our problems is to have free market capitalism, something they bizarrely think has never truly existed.  Supposedly, if the state exists, and with it taxes, regulation of the economy, and the like, then ‘real’ capitalism never has existed.  This is a would-be clever evasion of responsibility for all the havoc capitalism has caused around the world, except for the fact that no leftist is buying such a disingenuous excuse.

Of course, every benefit of the modern world that we enjoy–every convenience, our smartphones, our computers, and all our other forms of the latest technology–is the creation of a capitalism that ‘has never existed,’ rather than made by over-worked, underpaid factory workers; so we socialists are hypocrites, apparently, for making use of such technology (the fact that socialists need to participate in this economic system in order just to survive, apparently, is no excuse).  But I digress…

More to the point, though: why should we believe that the solution to our woes is an intensification of the same neoliberalism we’ve already been increasingly enduring for the past thirty-five to forty years?  Now we must understand what the ‘free market’ really is.

III: What Is the Free Market?

An-caps subscribe to a predictably simple-minded definition of the free market, and therefore of capitalism in general: the total absence of a state, leaving businesses to buy and sell freely, and to compete fairly, without any government favouritism.  We would thus have a level playing field, where employers and employees make ‘voluntary’ agreements: bosses can pay their workers as little as they like, and make them work as long a set of hours as they wish.  Workers would be content in this Never-never land, or if not, they would be ‘free’ to quit and perhaps start their own businesses…though how they would get such an opportunity, with such small scraps of a salary, is never explained.  Still, we’re expected to buy into this idea uncritically and think, What joy!  What bliss!  Indeed, I can see Julie Andrews now, twirling in an Austrian (!) field, singing, “The hills are alive with the sound of markets!”  (I hope my histrionics aren’t irritating you too much, dear reader.)

What makes this definition so ridiculously obtuse is not so much its Randian utopianism, but also its dichotomous absolutism, with black capitalism on one side and white centralized government on the other.  The truth is that the free market and regulation exist on a continuum of varying shades of grey: sometimes more regulation, sometimes less.

Furthermore, it isn’t a matter regulation per se: regulation is a matter of which things ‘ought’ to be regulated, and which not.  Is it regulation for the sake of workers’ rights?  Is it regulation to stop businesses from harming the environment?  Or, as in the case of regulating against monopolies, is it regulation for the sake of fairness in the market?  That latter kind of regulation can prevent the crony capitalism that an-caps claim only an absolutely free market can prevent.

What must be emphasized, ultimately, is that there is no one objective definition of the free market.  With varying extents of regulation or deregulation appealing to different capitalists’ or socialists’ needs, how could there be only one?

I don’t subscribe to this writer’s proposed solutions to our economic problems by any stretch of the imagination, but as Ha-Joon Chang relates in his book 23 Things They Don’t Tell You About Capitalism, regulations are like the invisible strings holding up kung fu fighters in movies: we don’t see them, but they’re still there (see pages 3-6, Penguin Books, London, 2010).  Many of the laws that we consider humane today, such as those against child labour, were considered unjust from the point of view of free market advocates in the 19th century.  Do an-caps want to return to that kind of barbarism?  Judging by the not only callous but outright bizarre comments made by an-caps about allowing rape or murder in a stateless society, it doesn’t seem too much of a stretch to assume that many of them do want such a return (In my previous essay, The ‘Right’ Definition of Socialism?, scroll down to the SLANCAP meme to see what I’m getting at.).

Unlike the regulations analogous to the invisible strings of movie kung fu fighters, though, there are other regulatory strings that are more like the strings on UFOs in low budget movies: strings obvious to most people, but always missed by an-caps, those Ed Woods of politics.  How would a stateless capitalist society be able to protect the capitalists’ private property?  Regardless of one’s attitude towards the validity or invalidity of ‘property rights,’ surely common sense would cause even advocates of private property to realize that a state, its laws, and police would all be necessary to keep the capitalist system intact.

IV: The Free Market and the State Must Coexist

An-caps make all kinds of absurd counterarguments in their vain attempts to invalidate this simple fact, ranging from weird ideas like getting their guns and firing at all thieves trying to break in and seize their property (I wonder if the an-caps plan to take amphetamines and stay awake 24/7 so they’re always on guard.  Will their employees do it for them?  How do the an-caps know their hired guards won’t turn on them?), to employing security services of some kind (privatized police, in other words).  With this latter idea, the ‘free market’ will ensure, apparently, that ‘rational self-interest’ will motivate these competing businesses of capitalist cops to do a much better job of protecting property rights than state police, with its monopoly on force and, therefore, lesser incentive to do a better job.  We pay the cops, and they curb crime.  This might work…if you’re rich.

How are the poor supposed to get protection with such a system, when their pay is so low (no more state-enforced minimum wage, not even a shitty one) they can barely even support themselves?  This question remains unanswered.  And what of the benefits of privatized police for the rich?  How will that pan out?  This should not be too difficult to figure out.  These hypothetical security services will either be each preferred by each of the many competing companies, making them essentially the soldiers of rival mafias, or the most successful of them will be the shared police force of all Big Business in Ancapistan, the less successful police companies being merged with and/or acquired by the top one.  Laws will evolve, giving structure and justification for the new system…and voila!  We have a free market STATE.

Police in their present incarnation are already contemptible as it is.  In fact, they’ve always been contemptible.  They’re bullies with bullets.  Can one even begin to imagine how thuggish they would be in Ancapistan?

Here’s the thing about an-caps: the particularly stupid ones clearly haven’t carefully thought through how their utopia will be; the more intelligent (and thus more disingenuous) ones secretly know that it was never their intention to pulverize the state–they merely want to privatize it.  Put another way, they want to do what successful right-libertarians have already largely done.  They want to be the cronies of their own corporatism.

That ‘real’ capitalism would result in a level playing field, with perfectly fair competition, is false both to capitalism and to human nature.  The very competitive nature of capitalism not only makes rival businesses want to come out on top–using any sleazy method they can possibly come up with, including taking advantage of state favouritism–but also compels those businesses to do so.  Companies not only want to win in competition, they need to win; and considering all the difficulties a company may have in achieving a victory, it isn’t surprising that many would use quick, easy ways to get that victory, including government regulation in their favour at the expense of their rivals.

Still, an-caps can’t imagine how their idealized conception of ‘true capitalism’ could possibly have a state propping it up.  Of course, they have it all arse-backwards, as they do so many things.  They imagine that the state has capitalism in chains.  And of course, these chains are generally some variety of an abhorrent tyranny called socialism!

Apparently, not only communism, social democracy, and anarchism (the real kind, mind you) are examples of the socialist despotism of the state (Gosh: anarchism, too?), but, according to right-libertarians, so are Fascism, Nazism (whose National Socialist German Worker’s Party is a name taken too much at face value), and, bizarrely, the Obama administration.  Ergo, the state and capitalism must be mutually exclusive.  Bollocks.

V: The Free Market and the State Can Coexist

Firstly, the state is frequently oppressive, enough for anarchists like me to oppose it, but it isn’t always so in an absolute sense.  Some are clearly worse than others.  While Salvador Allende’s vision of a socialist Chilean state is far from my own ideals, I would have preferred it over Augusto Pinochet’s free market, authoritarian nightmare any day.  The worst states are generally right-wing monstrosities, like his, Hitler’s, Franco’s, or the Bushes’.  The best states may be socialist, or quasi-socialist, but are unreliable, as the hopes of creating a just society tend to degenerate into bureaucracies that either result in some kind of Stalinism, or create a Nomenklatura New Class.

Secondly, socialism needs to be clearly defined, and free of right-wing propaganda.  Socialism advocates a worker-ruled society.  Some socialists advocate using the state to make a transition from capitalism to classlessness (either through a revolutionary vanguard, as the Leninists would have it, or through gradual nonviolent voting, as the social democrats would have it).  Others, like me, want a revolution, then complete anarchy immediately afterwards.  We all want liberation; we don’t want anything redolent of tyranny.

Many right-libertarians subscribe to the ideas discussed in Jonah Goldberg’s book, Liberal Fascism, which contends that there is much that was left-wing in Mussolini’s Fascism, and in Nazi Germany, and much that has been fascist in the American Left.  Goldberg’s weakly-argued thesis was actually meant as a kind of devil’s advocate rejoinder to the Left’s frequent labeling of conservatives in general as ‘fascists’.  Now, admittedly, the Left does tend to use the label of ‘fascist’ too…liberally…to describe our ideological enemies.  Fascism does refer to a more specific ideology than the popular use of the term does.

But to describe socialism as synonymous with fascism is patently absurd.  Painting all conservatives with the same fascist brush may be a stretch, but to paint all leftists with it, even those of the authoritarian variety, is just plain wrong.  There have been times when demagogues like Joseph Goebells spoke the language of socialism, and fascism in theory may mix elements of left and right; but this all must be put in its proper political context.

Fascists were essentially political opportunists.  In the 20s, Hitler indeed railed against capitalism (as well as communism) to steal as much of the vote of the Left as he could, and gained the following of left-leaning men like Goebells, Ernst Rohm, and the Strassers.  But when he came to power, and had the backing of Big Business, he moved the German state decisively to the Right, and purged the Nazi Party of all left-leaning members, including Rohm and the Strassers, during the Night of the Long Knives.  The only remaining left-leaning Nazi, Goebells, was deeply saddened to see only the Nationalist agenda fulfilled, but not the Socialist aspect.  Rohm and the Strassers were similarly disappointed: hence their assassinations.  And the first people to be put into the concentration caps were socialists: communists, anarchists, and social democrats.  If Nazis were socialists, they were pretty strange ones.

Predictably, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany backed the right-wing coalition of Nationalists led by Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War of 1936-1939; this coalition combined Catholics, monarchists and the fascist Falange party, all of whom felt it was their mission to ‘save’ Spain from the influence of new, modern ideas like…socialism!  When the Francoists won, all communists and anarchists were brutally repressed.

Since Fascism is supposed to be a Third Position between capitalism and communism (the closest it really comes to being socialist, which isn’t saying much), the Falangists were opposed to free market reforms.  But in 1959, Spain was forced to adopt such reforms because it was facing near bankruptcy, and while there was economic liberalization of a sort that right-libertarians love (the Spanish Miracle), all other aspects of Francoist repression and state brutality remained intact.  The free market and an oppressive state went hand in hand.

Francoist Spain isn’t an isolated case of the free market and a tyrannical government existing side by side.  Another noteworthy example is when the democratically elected Chilean socialist government of Salvador Allende was toppled by a CIA-backed coup that brought the brutally authoritarian Augusto Pinochet to power in 1973…the other September 11th.  Pinochet’s political opponents suffered terribly: between 1,200 and 3,200 people were killed, up to 80,000 people were put in concentration camps, and as many as 30,000 were tortured while he was in power.  Through the influence of the Chicago Boys, Pinochet’s government (1973-1990) also introduced free market reforms, which resulted in the so-calledMiracle of Chile,’ but also created terrible economic inequality: wages decreased by 8%, budgets for education, health, and housing decreased by over 20% on average, and trade unions were restricted.  In 1988, 48% of Chileans lived below the poverty line, and a referendum paved the way for the reestablishment of democracy in 1990.

Finally, we must look at how Reagan’s and Thatcher’s economic reforms show the growth of the free market in the context of the state.  The four pillars of ‘Reaganomics‘ were a reduction in the growth of government spending, reductions in taxes, less government regulation, and a tightening of the money supply to reduce inflation.  He wanted a return to the free market economics that had preceded FDR’s New Deal and Keynesian economics.  As a result, there was a rise in homelessness during Reagan’s first term and a sharp rise in it just after his second had ended.

Free market ideas grew under the administrations of George W. Bush, Clinton (aspects of his administration, anyway–i.e., NAFTA, the Welfare Reform Bill of 1996, and the subsequent budget compromise of 1997), and Obama (the so-called ‘socialist’), in spite of (rather because of) Big Government.  Bear in mind NAFTA, which had its roots in the free trade agreement between the US and Canada in 1988, then came into full form, including Mexico, in 1994.  This sort of thing has ballooned into globalization, in which worldwide free trade benefits only the wealthy in all countries.  Indeed, free trade is really just thinly-disguised capitalist imperialism.

Thatcher similarly introduced free market reforms in the UK, restraining government spending and giving tax cuts to the rich.  Tony Blair and Gordon Brown largely continued these policies despite being of the Labour Party; indeed, the name of that party seems historically to have been little more than just a name.  This kind of catering to the capitalist class is the essence of the neoliberal agenda, and an-caps are willfully blind to all the evil it causes.

These free market reforms have also been made, to give a few examples, in Australia under Bob Hawke and Paul Keating in the 1980s and 90s; also, in New Zealand under Finance Minister Roger Douglas since 1984, continuing in the early 90s with Ruth Richardson; and in Japan under Koizumi from 2001 to 2006.  Also, free market influences came in the 1990s in the form of the Washington Consensus, forged by the World Bank and the IMF; free market ideology is also espoused in prominent media such as the Financial Times and The Economist.  There were a few moderately Keynesian changes in the 2000s, but things have nonetheless remained largely laissez-faire.

What again must be emphasized is that free market ideals like deregulation and tax cuts don’t have to be absolutes in order to exist in essence.  These laissez-faire ideas can, however, increase incrementally over the years, as they most obviously have.  Only someone who is either ignorant of history, or unwilling to have his or her an-cap biases challenged by simply doing some reading to see the abundant proof, would not be aware of the monster that laissez-faire has grown into over the past three or four decades.

The problem with an-caps is their absurd notion that the free market can only exist with absolutely no state.  No credible proof is ever given that such a state of affairs must be: it is ‘true’ merely because an-caps say it is true.  This sort of thing is the essence of religious dogma.  One must accept the idea of stateless capitalism on faith.  The idea cannot be tested or falsified, because it is only theoretical.  Like ‘praxeology,’ there is no empiricism used to verify its validity.

To anyone with a modicum of common sense, however, the free market, as opposed to heavy regulation and high taxes, exists on a continuum from a minarchist black to a Keynesian dark grey, then a social democratic light grey, then a Marxist white, if you will.  Minarchism, or capitalism with minimal state involvement, is the closest an-caps will ever come to realizing their chimerical dream…and even the realization of as little as that is highly doubtful.  For what is minimized in ‘minarchy’ isn’t the state’s monopoly on force per se, but socialist safety nets for the poor.

VI: As the Free Market Expands, the State Expands

Capitalism is all about growth and expansion: that’s why it’s called capitalism.  The capitalist is ever trying to acquire more and more capital.  Commodities are sold as exchange values, profits are made, there is reinvestment, and more factories, more branches of businesses, and more commodities are produced and sold, starting the cycle all over again.  This cycle goes round and round, and there are no limits to capital’s growth, or at least there mustn’t be any limits.

With this increase in the amount of private property, there must be a proportionate growth in the state apparatus to defend the capitalists’ gains.  Not that I agree ideologically with Lenin, but he was right to point out that imperialism is the highest stage of capitalism.  When capitalists have run out of markets in their own countries, they must seek out new markets in other countries.  This is the basis of modern-day imperialism.  It isn’t the state all by itself that causes all these horrible wars; it is the corporations, for which the state is a whore, that cause them.

Capitalist countries create, or propose to create, free trade deals like NAFTA, TTIP, and TPP to do such things as procure cheap labour from Third World countries.  Wars are fought because there are profits to be made off of them.  Small wonder America has military bases in countries all over the world: this is the state in the service of capitalism.

So, we have all this economic liberalization all over the world, laissez-faire capitalism with a fully intact state, and that state is expanding into the size of a monster in a Japanese kaiju film.  Hence the perpetual ‘War on Terror,’ NSA spying, and militarized police brutality in America.

VII: So, What Can An-Caps Hope For?

An-caps need to understand that unfettered capitalism is the problem, not the solution.  The free market is not the ‘liberating’ utopia they think it is.  Laissez-faire doesn’t free us from the state’s monopoly on force, it brings the state into existence, more and more.  They imagine that it’s a choice of either the free market or the state, so if one is opposed to capitalism, one must be a ‘statist.’  I don’t know how many times we an-coms have held our heads in our hands in sorrow from hearing such a ridiculous false dichotomy.

Though I consider a Keynesian-style mixed economy to be preferable to the grotesque income inequality caused by the free market, that is only because anything is preferable to laissez-faire.  An-caps seem to forget that the high standard of living enjoyed in the First World during the Golden Age of Capitalism in the mid-twentieth century was to a great extent due to Keynesian capitalism, not the free market variety.

That said, I don’t ultimately want Keynesianism, either, because it allows the ruling class to stave off revolution by throwing a few bones at the poor.  I worry that if Keynesianism is revived, and the wolf of the working class is kept at bay for a few decades, another economic crisis, like those of the 1970s, could bring the free marketeers back, reviving the neoliberal nightmare for ensuing decades.  For, regardless of whether Keynesian or laissez-faire, capitalism is still capitalism, resulting in wealth inequality and economic crises.  I want liberation from that roller-coaster forever, and I see anarchism as the cure.

Here’s what the an-caps miss: capitalism is an inherently unstable system, given to frequent economic crises or recessions, over and over again.  It may cause a rise in the standard of living, but this is enjoyed largely by the ruling class; those underneath get very little.

Also, the tyranny the an-caps fear of communism is largely the fault of state socialists (i.e., Leninists), who frequently went after other communists (i.e., anarchists, Trotskyists, etc.) as rapaciously as they did after capitalists.  The Bolsheviks didn’t just kill the tsar’s family and capitalists during the Russian Revolution and Civil War of 1918-1921: they also went after Nestor Makhno’s anarcho-communists.  The Bolsheviks also put down the anarchist Kronstadt Rebellion in 1921.  Finally, there was Stalin’s Great Purge in the 1930s, again killing off or imprisoning large numbers of communists, as well as pro-capitalist reactionaries.  Almost all the crimes of communism can be attributed to Marxist-Leninists, Stalinists, Maoists, and the like.  Extra-judicial shootings by the anarcho-syndicalist CNT/FAI during the Spanish Civil War resulted in a much smaller death count, and those were far more justified: after all, they were fighting fascists, who were guilty of much greater brutality when they won.

We anarchists do not advocate a transitional state to smooth over the shift from capitalism to communism: Leninists do.  We do not want a vanguard to lead us, as we consider such a thing too authoritarian, leading to the tyranny an-caps fear.  We want a revolution, but we don’t want anyone having power over us, financially or politically.

An-caps claim that, in the victory of anarchy (by their definition), they will allow an-coms and anarcho-syndicalists to coexist with them; but we see how disingenuous this claim is, considering how compulsively capitalism grows, trying to snatch up everything around it in its quest for more and more profit.  Whenever large groups of people live together, there will always be some element of making others conform, to some extent at least, to the community standards approved of by consensus; but anarchism at least strives for an egalitarianism (no racism, no sexism, no homophobia or transphobia, or any other forms of discrimination) that most an-caps couldn’t care less about.  We are the ones who want fairness and freedom, not them.

Still, if the an-caps are so terrified of the advent of Stalinism, and they want to debate with those who genuinely advocate authoritarian socialism, my suggestion to them is this: take it up with the tankies, not with anarchists.  People like Jason Unruhe (Maoist Rebel News) will go to the mattresses defending Stalin, Mao Zedong, or even North Korea.  Go debate with people like him; I promise you a lively discussion.  (I may have used some material from Unruhe, since I find his critiques of capitalism and the like useful for my purposes, but don’t be mistaken: I don’t agree with half of his ideas about implementing socialism.)

Don’t equate us anarchists with Leninists, though.  Stop painting all socialists with the same brush.  Put an end to your closed-mindedness and actually learn a few things about socialism; such an education will effect a much-needed cure to your prejudices.  Socialism is not ‘gummint, gummint, gummint.’  Socialism is worker control, sometimes attempted through the aid of the state, sometimes not, as is the case with anarchism.

And capitalism will not lead to the horn of plenty you an-caps think it will.  Capitalism is, in fact, a tyranny all its own.  Apart from overworking and underpaying workers in countries around the world, especially those in sweatshops in the Third World, capitalism–particularly the free market variety–has either directly or indirectly caused the deaths of at least ten times as many people as the highest estimates given to communism.  (For a fuller examination of this, please see my previous essay, The ‘Right’ Definition of Socialism?, under the sub-heading, ‘IV–Capitalist Crimes‘.)  The number of people, especially children, who’ve starved to death, in the Third World in particular, over the past twenty to thirty years–all preventable deaths, given how we can easily produce enough food to feed the whole world, but don’t because of the profit motive–is already a higher statistic than the highest estimate of deaths blamed on communism.

So my suggestion to an-caps is that if they really hate the state that much, they should rethink their support for ‘property rights,’ and understand that as long as private property (not personal property, which will remain as such under communism) continues to exist, so will the need for a state.  Abolish private property, and the state will either ‘wither away,’ or be abolished, too.

Here’s a secret: I used to be an an-cap (for about half a year or so), then I came to realize that private property had to be abolished in order to smash the state, and I opened my mind to the socialist criticism of capitalism.  I went from right to left (I’m not the only former an-cap, either), and I haven’t regretted it.  I suggest you an-caps consider doing the same: then you’ll be real anarchists.

The notion that the state and ‘true’ capitalism are incompatible is complete nonsense.  A state must exist to protect private property, and deregulation and tax cuts needn’t exist in an absolute sense, though there can always be fewer regulations (or fewer of the sort that are inconvenient to the more successful of capitalists, anyway) and more tax cuts for the rich.  Capitalism is always about more for us and less for everyone else.

Working for free is actually something some capitalists want to encourage.  Evil.  What will be next, I wonder: legalized human trafficking?  You see, here’s the thing that capitalists simply don’t want to admit–they’re selfish.  An-caps may want to be the bosses pushing for free labour, but I don’t think they’ll want to be the workers in such a situation.

Right-libertarians will never abolish the state, but they can keep on shrinking it, or more accurately, shrink those aspects of the state that serve the poor, while the other aspects of the state–those needed to protect private property at home and abroad (i.e., those of imperialism)–get more and more bloated.

An-caps say they’re anti-state.  How adorable: so do the Koch brothers, two of capitalism’s cronies who have been contributing to (right-) libertarian think-tanks and campaigns ever since the late 1970s.  Charles Koch actually co-founded the Cato Institute with Edward H. Crane and Murray Rothbard in 1977!  David H. Koch was a (right-) libertarian vice-presidential candidate in 1980.  They have advocated doing away with such things as Social Security and public schools, and lobbied against universal health care and climate change legislation.  They also fund and support organizations that contribute to Republican candidates.  David even supported Mitt Romney in 2012.

So all of this ‘anti-state’ but pro-capitalist thinking not only keeps the state alive and well, but it also reinforces the insidious neoliberal agenda.  We anarchists may find a lot to laugh at in the ideology of an-caps, but their support of the status quo and its intensification is no laughing matter.

Analysis of ‘Psycho’

Psycho is a psychological suspense/horror film produced and directed by Alfred Hitchcock in 1960.  It is based on the Robert Bloch novel of the same name, published the year before; the novel, in turn, was based on the Ed Gein murders.

Ed Gein was a serial killer in Wisconsin in the 1950s.  A ‘mama’s boy,’ Gein was devastated by the death of his mother in 1945, and felt all alone in the world; when she was alive, she was a domineering, prudish woman, teaching him that all women were sexually promiscuous instruments of the devil.

Soon after her death, Ed began making a “woman suit” so he could “be” his mother by crawling into a woman’s skin.  For this purpose, he tanned the skins of women.  He also admitted to robbing nine graves.  Body parts were found all over his house as ghoulish works of art.  These macabre crimes were the inspiration not only for Psycho, but also The Texas Chainsaw Massacre, the Buffalo Bill character in Silence of the Lambs, and numerous other horror movies.

Psycho is considered the first slasher film; and while it had received only mixed reviews on its release, it is now considered one of Hitchcock’s best films, and one of the greatest films of all time.  The Ed Gein of the movie, Norman Bates (played by Anthony Perkins), was ranked the second greatest movie villain of all time by the American Film Institute (AFI), after Hannibal Lecter and before Darth Vader.  The first of the following two quotes was ranked by the AFI as #56 of the greatest movie quotes of all time; the second was nominated for the list.

1. “A boy’s best friend is his mother.” –Norman Bates

2. “We all go a little mad sometimes.” –Norman Bates

A few motifs in Psycho are birds, showers (those in the bathtub, and of rain), and mirrors (including reflections in glass).  These all have specific symbolic meanings.

The bird motif is generally of motionless birds, those in pictures–trapped, as it were, inside frames–or stuffed birds.  Normally, we think of free birds, those free to fly anywhere they wish; but the birds in Psycho are very much trapped and immobile.

Marion Crane (Mary in the novel) is a ‘bird’ in a kind of “private trap.”  She wants to marry her boyfriend, Sam Loomis, but he has debts and alimony to pay, thus making marriage with him not very feasible.  By stealing $40,000, she tries to escape from her trap, the trap of Phoenix, Arizona.  She tries rising like a phoenix from the ashes, so to speak, of her dead-end life there, but a suspecting policeman (along with the suspicions of a used car salesman) begins a pursuit of her that ensures that Crane cannot escape the trap she’s put herself in.  The phoenix can’t rise out of Phoenix.

Norman’s stuffing of birds, as well as the stuffing of another ‘bird’ (British slang for a sexually desirable woman), his mother (for whom he has an unresolved Oedipal fixation, something discussed in Chapter One of Bloch’s novel), represents the trap he is in.  “We scratch and claw” (my emphasis), Norman says, but we can’t get out of our “private traps.”

He kills Marion Crane in the shower–he knocks off that bird–but he’s still in his trap, and he knows it.  Hence his shock at the sight of her body lying over the side of the bathtub, causing him to jerk his body around, hit the wall outside the entrance to the bathroom, and cause the picture of a bird to fall to the floor.  He’s knocked off another bird.  Just like all those birds, Norman Bates is forever trapped.

Showers symbolize purification and redemption, or at least an attempt at it.  The rain that showers on Marion’s car at night, just before she reaches the Bates Motel, happens at a point when she has been thinking about all the trouble she’s gotten herself into.  She realizes that she has aroused not only the suspicion of a cop who saw her in a nervous hurry, and of a used car salesman whom she’s given $700 in cash for a rushed trade of cars, but also of her boss, who saw her nervously drive out of Phoenix when she was supposed to be sleeping off a headache.  With the cleansing rain comes her realization that she must return to Phoenix and take responsibility for what she’s done.

She’s only a little wet from the rain when honking her car horn to get Norman’s attention from up in his house.  During her conversation with him in the parlour room, she admits that she must get out of the private trap she’s put herself in.  Then she takes a shower, whose purifying water washes away the rest of her guilt, refreshing her and putting a smile on her face.  The birds of this movie, however, are always trapped, and we all know what happens next…

We catch people’s reflections many times in this film, either from windows or from mirrors.  These reflected images represent psychological projectionPsycho is very much a psychoanalytic movie, for Hitchcock was heavily influenced by Freud (another notably Freudian film of his was 1945’s Spellbound, with Ingrid Bergman and Gregory Peck).

An early example of projection is when Marion imagines the angry reaction of the rich man after she has stolen his $40,000: she imagines him saying that she was “flirting with [him]” when he laid the money before her, when we all know he was flirting with her.  Of course, her imagining him saying that is her projecting back at him.

Another example of projection, directly symbolized by mirror reflections, is when Lila Crane is looking around in Mrs. Bates’s bedroom.  She sees her reflection in a large mirror, but forgets that another mirror is behind her; for a second, she thinks–as do we, the audience–that a woman (Mrs. Bates?) is behind her, but it’s actually just another mirror reflection of Lila.  She has projected her intrusion into the Bates family’s private space onto Mrs. Bates, briefly imagining Norman’s mother is intruding into Lila’s personal space.  (The theme of intrusion will be dealt with later here.)

The crowning example of projection, however, is that of Norman Bates onto his mother…and of the mother personality projecting back onto Norman.  When talking to Marion in the parlour, he speaks of how Mother “goes a little mad sometimes.”  (See also Quote #2 above.)  He is clearly projecting his own insanity onto her, and onto the rest of the world, as is seen in the second quote above.  As the psychiatrist explains at the end of the movie, Norman’s mother was “a clinging, demanding woman,” but she wasn’t mad.  Norman, on the other hand, had been “dangerously disturbed…ever since his father died.”

Norman himself, in a powerful moment of dramatic irony, admits that his mother is “as harmless as one those stuffed birds.”  The mother personality, just after musing over Norman’s guilt at the film’s end, and projecting her guilt back onto him, says that she can’t allow everyone to believe she’d “killed those girls, and that man,” when all she could do was “sit and stare, like one of his stuffed birds.”  The fact that Norman had actually practiced his hobby of taxidermy on her corpse illustrates perfectly, and eerily, the irony of ‘Mother’s’ words.

Norman’s mother, like Ed Gein’s, has a puritanical attitude towards sex, and considers all women to be whores.  When she met a man, however, and had a sexual relationship with him ten years before the story’s beginning, Norman–with his Oedipal fixation–went insane with jealousy and murdered her and her lover with strychnine.  As the psychiatrist points out, “because he was so pathologically jealous of her, he assumed that she was as jealous of him,” and “the mother side of him would go wild” if she ever discovered him to be attracted to another woman; hence Marion’s murder, and those of two other (presumably attractive) girls.  Norman has projected his insane jealousy onto the mother personality.

A particularly important theme that runs throughout this movie is that of intrusion, penetration, or the invasion of privacy.  Hitchcock’s camera has us invade Marion’s and Sam’s privacy in their hotel room at the very beginning of the film, with him bare chested and her in her bra on the bed.

Later, when Marion is in the office at work, the rich man, Tom Cassidy, comes in with her boss; Cassidy begins ogling the beautiful young woman, even sitting on her desk as his eyes are going up and down her body.  He’s had a few drinks, so someone who’s probably normally a gentleman seems to have an excuse not to be now.  Again, we have intruding on someone’s personal space.

After driving out of Phoenix with the $40,000 she’s embezzled, Marion gets tired at night and pulls over to the side of the road to rest.  She’s slept there all night, though, and wakes up to the knocking sound of a policeman tapping on her car window the next day.  Looking through the window and wearing sunglasses that threateningly hide the expression in his eyes, the cop is invading her personal space.

He continues nosing in on her personal business by following her to a used car lot and parking across the road.  Leaning against his car, he’s watching her; and after she’s traded in her car for a new one, he’s in the parking lot, noting the new licence plate.

When she comes to the Bates Motel, she’s now in Norman’s private world, a motel doing bad business because a new highway has made the road to his motel rarely used; hence, he is all alone in his “private trap” with “Mother.”

As he chats with Marion in the parlour room, he shows his sensitivity to private matters by saying, “I didn’t mean to pry,” after asking where she is going.  The prudish young man can’t even say “bathroom” in front of beautiful Marion (for the things done there are so extremely private); and later, when Detective Arbogast asks if Norman spent the night with Marion, he, offended, says, “No!”

Norman is similarly offended when Marion suggests putting “Mother” in an institution, with all those “cruel eyes studying [her],” invading ‘her’ privacy.  Of course, the man his mother had a relationship with also invaded Norman’s private world, and he was so offended with that intrusion that he killed them both.

After the conversation between Norman and Marion in the parlour, he invades her privacy by watching her undress through a peephole in the wall shared by the parlour room and her cabin.

Of course, the shower scene is the ultimate invasion of privacy.  I can imagine this scene being particularly frightening to women, for that phallic knife invading a naked woman’s body is more that a murder: symbolically, it’s a rape.  In Bloch’s novel, she’s decapitated; but a penetrating knife is more symbolically appropriate for the film.

When Lila is talking to Sam in his hardware store about Marion’s disappearance, Detective Arbogast sticks his nose into their personal business by eavesdropping, at the ajar front door, on the conversation, then by interrupting it.  Later, the detective comes into Norman’s private world by asking about Marion, then about his mother, something that especially agitates Norman.

Finally, Arbogast walks right into Norman’s house without any permission to enter, and snoops around, going upstairs.  ‘Mother’s’ knife then invades his personal space, slashing his face and stabbing into him: he who lives by intrusion shall die by intrusion.  After that, the sheriff and police snoop around Norman’s house, forcing him to hide ‘Mother’ in the fruit cellar.

Leading up to the movie’s climax, Sam and Lila intrude on Norman’s private world by pretending to be a married couple looking for a room in the motel.

Sam keeps Norman occupied at the registration desk by chatting with him while Lila goes up to the house.  Sam’s questions get more and more intrusive, aggressive, and accusing, agitating Norman to the point of him telling them just to leave.  Meanwhile, Lila has been snooping in ‘Mother’s’ and Norman’s bedrooms.  In his room, she sees his stuffed toy rabbit, an odd sleeping companion for a grown man, and a book whose inner contents make her shudder.  (In Bloch’s novel, it’s pornography.)

At the film’s climax, Lila hides by the stairs to the basement while Norman is running into the house.  Instead of running outside to safety once he’s gone upstairs, she decides to snoop some more and go down into the basement, which Slavoj Zizek, in The Pervert’s Guide to Cinema, says represents Norman’s repressed id.  This is his most private place of all, and Lila’s invasion of that privacy allows us to learn the truth about ‘Mother.’

One last thing should be examined: the symbolism of hot and cold in the movie.  At the beginning, in Phoenix, it’s a hot day, first in the hotel with Sam and Marion after a sexual encounter, then in her office, which has no air conditioning, and where that rich lecher is leering at her.  The heat represents Freud’s concept of libido, or the sexual instincts.

Later, when the murders have been committed in the Fairvale area of California, we notice how people are colder.  Lila needs to get her coat before she and Sam go the sheriff’s house; in the police station at the end, the sheriff asks if she’s warm enough; and Norman “feels a slight chill,” and wants a blanket.  The cold represents the psychoanalytic concept of Thanatos, or the death drive.

Freud and Psychoanalysis

Sigmund Freud (1856-1939) was the father of psychoanalysis.  He was born in the Moravian town of Pribor, then part of the Austrian Empire, now part of the Czech Republic.  While he certainly didn’t invent the idea of the unconscious mind, he created a kind of road map, as it were, for navigating the unconscious; and the resulting insights have made him one of the most important psychiatric thinkers of the twentieth century, influencing art, literature, and film.

Here are some famous quotes of his:

“The interpretation of dreams is the royal road to a knowledge of the unconscious activities of the mind.”  —The Interpretation of Dreams

“A person who feels pleasure in producing pain in someone else in a sexual relationship is also capable of enjoying as pleasure any pain which he may himself derive from sexual relations. A sadist is always at the same time a masochist.”  —Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality

“Homosexuality is assuredly no advantage, but it is nothing to be ashamed of, no vice, no degradation, it cannot be classified as an illness.”  –Letter to an American mother’s plea to cure her son’s homosexuality (1935)

‘The great question that has never been answered, and which I have not yet been able to answer, despite my thirty years of research into the feminine soul, is “What does a woman want?” –said once to Marie Bonaparte; Sigmund Freud: Life and Work (Hogarth Press, 1953) by Ernest Jones, Vol. 2, Pt. 3, Ch. 16. In a footnote Jones gives the original German, “Was will das Weib?

“It is easy to see that the ego is that part of the id which has been modified by the direct influence of the external world.”  —The Ego and the Id

“What progress we are making. In the Middle Ages they would have burned me. Now they are content with burning my books.”  –Letter to Ernest Jones (1933), as quoted in The Columbia Dictionary of Quotations (1993) by Robert Andrews, p. 779

I: Early Years

Freud was immensely learned, being proficient in many languages, including German, Hebrew, classical Greek and Latin, English, Italian, Spanish, and French.  He could actually read Shakespeare in the original English…from a young age!  Indeed, Shakespeare’s insight into human nature influenced Freud, who interpreted much in Hamlet, Macbeth, King Lear, and other plays.  Other writers to have a strong influence on Freud were Dostoyevsky and Nietzsche.

He graduated with a medical degree, but never practiced internal medicine.  Instead, he studied cerebral anatomy, neurology, neuropathology (on which he was a lecturer from 1885 to the beginning years of the 20th century), cerebral palsy, and he even did investigations to find the location of the sexual organs of eels (!).

His research into neuropathology led to him trying to help patients with ‘nervous illness’ (neurosis).  He went to Paris to study and attend demonstrations of hypnosis by Jean-Martin Charcot.  Impressed by its apparent effectiveness in treating hysterical patients, Freud tried hypnosis on several hysterical patients of his during the 1880s, the most famous of whom was “Anna O,” who called Freud’s particular application of hypnosis, involving her speaking while hypnotized, the “talking cure.”  He published his Studies on Hysteria with his colleague of the time, Josef Breuer.

II: Free Association

He found, however, that hypnosis didn’t seem to effect a lasting cure for hysteria or neurosis, so he began to devise his own method called free association.  He could have the patient lie supine on a couch, thus relaxing the patient to the point of being in a state comparable to hypnosis, which would allow the patient’s unconscious mind to be open and accessible to the therapist.  Freud would then tell the patient to speak of anything on his or her mind.  There would be no rules at all: the patient just had to talk and talk.  There was no need to censor subject matter considered rude, sexually inappropriate, or in any way ‘irrelevant’; in fact, it would be necessary to include such talk, for this would give the therapist free flowing access to the patient’s unconscious mind.

As the patient continued talking and talking, however, he or she would sooner or later hit a wall, as it were, and stop talking.  Sometimes this was because the patient knew an anxiety-causing subject was coming dangerously close to being discussed; at other times, the patient simply didn’t know why no more subject matter could be thought of, to continue the chain of associations the therapist was writing down and linking together by way of recurring themes spotted.  In the latter case, Freud would assume that anxiety-producing subject matter was being repressed, deep down in the unconscious, so while the patient didn’t know why he or she couldn’t continue, Freud could link together the recurring themes of everything talked about, then speculate on what the cause of repression might be.

One early theory Freud had was called the seduction theory.  He found that a lot of his patients were describing sexual relationships with their parents, so he assumed they’d been sexually abused as children, and that this had caused their psychological problems.  As it turned out, the sheer proliferation of so many cases of apparent child sexual abuse, as well as his own self-analysis, caused Freud to change this theory into that of the Oedipus complex. Some think he fabricated this new theory to save his career and avoid dealing with the wrath of a mass of parents implicated as child molesters, but such speculations are far from proven. If changing from the seduction theory to a theory of infantile sexuality was meant to improve his reputation among a prudish Victorian audience committed to the belief in the innocence of childhood, Freud chose a very strange way to improve his standing.

III: Dreams

Another method Freud used in mapping out the unconscious mind was dream analysis.  Fortunately for the sake of his research, he had made a habit of recording his dreams in journals from childhood, so when he began analyzing himself, he had lots of dreams for material to work with.  From his research of his own dreams as well as those of his patients, he produced his first great work, The Interpretation of Dreams, published in 1899, but with the year 1900 printed on the title page, to usher in the twentieth century.  In this seminal book, he theorized that all dreams, without exception, even nightmares, were forms of wish-fulfillment.

Now, it is easy to see how having a dream about making love with an attractive partner, or about winning millions of dollars in the lottery, can be wish-fulfillment, but how can anxiety-causing dreams be?  Here, we must take into account conflict in Freudian psychology.  In our minds, part of us wants to do or have one thing, another part of us wants something contradictory to the first, and we mentally battle it out to see which instinctual drive wins out.  When these conflicts become too difficult to reconcile, anxiety results, and this unease can be reflected in the dream content.  Hence, nightmares can be an attempt at the fulfillment of contradictory–and anxiety-producing–wishes; they can thus simply be a failure of the dream to sustain sleep.

Let us imagine, for example, a young man who–though he sees himself as heterosexual, nonetheless has repressed homosexual feelings for his handsome male doctor.  His urges are so repressed that he isn’t even consciously aware of them, so shocking would they be if ever revealed.  Still, he has an odd habit of feeling so chronically ill that he must see his doctor for regular checkups.  Now, in his dreams, he probably wouldn’t see himself in bed with the doctor, for this would make him wake up bathed in sweat; for after all, the purpose of dreams is to ensure restful, uninterrupted sleep.

If, on the other hand, the young man dreamed of getting naked for his doctor in a physical examination, his wish fulfillment could thus be indirectly realized, by way of associative compromise; or he could symbolically fulfill his unconscious wish by dreaming of his handsome doctor putting a phallic tongue depressor in his mouth, or a shot from a needle in his behind.  There is much distortion of conflicting wishes in dreams, hence their strangeness; and the distortion can reconcile the conflict in a way that facilitates sleep.

But guilt and anxiety from such wishes, especially guilt imposed by an intolerant society, may require a ‘wish’ to be somehow punished or shamed for having these taboo desires.  Hence, in his dream, the naked young man, during his examination, may see the door to the examination room suddenly swing open, and all his family and friends outside see him.  Or the tongue depressor may be put too deep inside his mouth, causing him to gag or choke; or the shot from the needle may be especially painful.  Thus, an anxiety-causing dream fulfills taboo wishes–if only indirectly and symbolically–and also satisfies the wish to alleviate guilt by providing some form of punishment.  And the anxiety-causing nature of the ‘punishment’ results in a failure to sustain sleep–the dreamer wakes up from a nightmare.

Apart from Freud’s ideas about dreams as wish fulfillment, and the distortion of dreams, he also touched on such ideas as penis envy and the Oedipus complex.  This latter idea is dealt with in a special way, through his analysis of perhaps the two greatest tragedies in Western literature, Sophocles’ Oedipus Rex, and Shakespeare’s Hamlet.  Why is any work of art considered great?  Because it communicates ideas we can all relate to in some way, and Freud believed these plays to fulfill a man’s deepest unconscious fantasy: to be rid of his father and to have his mother.

In Oedipus Rex, the title character has directly, if unwittingly, fulfilled this wish, and the tragedy of the play comes from his horror and shame in realizing he has murdered his father and married his mother.  In the case of Hamlet, the fantasy is fulfilled vicariously by Hamlet’s uncle Claudius, and Hamlet delays his revenge because he unconsciously understands that he is no better than Claudius.  So he can’t bring himself to kill his uncle.  Productions of Hamlet throughout the twentieth century portrayed the Danish prince as having a thing for his mother.

IV: Errors and Humour

Freud’s next book was The Psychopathology of Everyday Life.  In this book, he theorized about the psychology of errors.  Slips of the tongue or of the pen, or mistakes of any kind were, in Freud’s opinion, not mere accidents: they expressed unconscious wishes.  Again, conflicting instincts in the mind–part of us wants to do something, another part of us doesn’t want to do this thing–cause us to resolve them by ‘half doing’ things, or doing them incorrectly.  Particularly amusing slips of the tongue, ones whose unconscious meanings are obvious, and often sexual, are called “Freudian slips.”

Let me tell you an amusing story.

Back in about 1997, at the English cram school where I was teaching Taiwanese kids, I had a habit, well known among my coworkers, of eating late lunches at the local Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC) before teaching my later afternoon and evening classes.  One afternoon, I was outside the school, about to get something to eat, and I was chatting with an attractive young female Taiwanese teaching assistant.  Her English was reasonably good, but she made errors in grammar here and there.  During our brief chat, we were being flirtatious.  Our chat ended, and I was about to leave.  She said, “So, are you going to FCK now?”

Speaking of humour, another book Freud wrote around this time (early 1900s) was Wit and Its Relation to the Unconscious.  In this book, he wrote of how all the jokes we tell reflect unconscious desires.

V: Stages of Psychosexual Development

Now, one of Freud’s most controversial ideas, particularly shocking during the prudish Victorian era, were his theories about childhood sexuality.  These ideas were dealt with in such writings as the Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality and “The Dissolution of the Oedipus Complex,” among others.

The stages of psychosexual development have a child going through polymorphous perversity, when a child can be aroused by virtually anything, or have anything be an object to satisfy his libido, no matter how bizarre, since so young a person hasn’t yet been taught by society to focus his or her sexual energies on ‘acceptable’ objects.

The first of these psychosexual stages is the oral stage, during which an infant or child gains pleasure from sucking or biting on things.  Obviously, it is connected with the years when a baby is breast-fed.  If a person, however, is fixated on the oral stage later in life, he or she may express this fixation through such habits as smoking.  In light of Freud’s insight into such matters, it is astonishing how he, a lifelong smoker of cigars (which eventually gave him cancer of the jaw), wouldn’t give up his habit.

The next stage is the anal stage, when a child derives pleasure from defecating.  This is linked to a child’s potty training.  If one is fixated at this stage, and becomes anal retentive, one might develop the following personality traits: excessive cleanliness, parsimony, fastidiousness, stubbornness, and a need to be in control.  As Freud theorized in his paper, “Character and Anal Erotism,” one opposite may shift to the other (i.e., from filthy defecation to neat and tidy cleanliness and fastidiousness, through reaction formation); or preoccupation with this unclean state may be expressed associatively (i.e., filthy feces symbolized by a love for filthy lucre, hence, parsimony).

Next comes the particularly controversial phallic stage, when little boys and girls discover a certain anatomical difference between them, resulting in the castration complex.  Imagine, for example, a five-year-old boy and his four-year-old sister taking a bath together for the first time.  Their mother is getting the bath ready, and the boy and girl, naked, are facing each other, noting the difference between them.

Now imagine the boy’s reaction when he sees his sister, without a penis, but a slit in that place instead.  The slit seems to be a wound: has she been castrated?  With his Oedipal longing for Mommy and wish to dispose of Daddy, the young lad imagines his sister’s ‘castration’ has been her punishment for also wanting to take Mom away from jealous Dad.  Now, the boy realizes Dad may want to castrate him, too, for having the same Oedipal urges.  The fear that the boy has is called castration anxiety.

Castration anxiety has a profound effect on a boy’s psychological development, according to Freud.  It finds symbolic expression in a man’s fear of being humiliated, especially if this involves, for example, losing an argument with a woman.  After all, if women are just ‘castrated men’ in his eyes, then he will often have “an enduringly low opinion of the other sex [i.e., women],” as Freud said in a footnote, added in 1920, to the second of his Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality.  Here, Freud is merely commenting on the reality of sexism: for what seems to be his agreement with sexism, read on…

For the girl’s version of the castration complex, the idea especially detested by feminists, Freud called it penis envy.  Imagine again the naked boy and girl in the bathroom.  When she sees the dangling members on him that she lacks, she feels “unfairly treated,” as Freud argued in his essay, “On the Sexual Theories of Children” (1908).  Why is she deprived of what he has?

Her resulting resentment–coming after a period of denial during which she, for example, attempts urinating while standing (her brother, too, at first denies her ‘castration,’ imagining her ‘penis’ is just really small, and will grow larger later)–causes her to feel a generalized jealousy, which Freud, in his 1925 essay “Some Psychical Consequences of the Anatomical Distinction Between the Sexes,” called a “displaced penis-envy.”  Some of this, Freud believed, resulted in feminism.  It also results, apparently, in women having, on average, relatively weak superegos.

Here, Freud’s sexism reached a particularly low point, since even though, in the aforementioned 1925 essay, he would “willingly agree” that most men fall far short of the masculine ideal, and that there is much psychic bisexuality in the personality traits of both sexes, and thus pure maleness and femaleness are socially constructed ideas “of uncertain content,” the historical, worldwide male denunciations of women’s inferior moral sense are, it seems, justified (!).

For feminist defenses of Freud, one can look to the writings of Juliet Mitchell (in particular, her 1974 book Psychoanalysis and Feminism: Freud, Reich, Laing, and Women) and Camille Paglia (she brings up Freud, the unconscious, and the danger of ignoring these ideas about 15 minutes into this video.  Here’s another, around 6:30 into it.)

Now, with the bringing on of the castration complex, another difference between the sexes arises: the boy’s Oedipus complex ends–or is, at least, repressed–out of the fear of the father’s retribution, replaced by identification with him; and the girl’s original Oedipal love for her mother, out of a belief that Mom castrated her, switches to a new Oedipus complex, hers being a love for her father and a hatred for her mother. Carl Gustav Jung called this the Electra complex (a term Freud scoffed at), also based on Greek myth; for Electra hated her mother, Clytemnestra, for plotting with her lover, Aegisthus, to murder Agamemnon, Electra’s beloved father.

With this new Oedipal attachment, girls apparently long to possess their father’s penis, and as they grow up, this desire to have that “little one” gets displaced, and the desire to have another “little one,” a baby, is supposed to come about in womanhood.  This verbal relationship between penis and baby, both called “das Kleine,” or “little one,” is described in Freud’s 1917 essay “On Transformations of Instinct as Exemplified in Anal Erotism.”

When the phallic stage is over, a period of lack of interest in sexual matters, the latency period, occurs from roughly the age of five or six until the onset of adolescence.  Then the sexual instincts reawaken, and if no fixation during any of the earlier stages has occurred, teenagers should have attained the genital stage, in which they derive pleasure from the genitals, a state of affairs considered normal and mature.  Along with this notion of sexual maturity, Freud insisted that a woman’s orgasms should be vaginally based; orgasms based on the clitoris, apparently, are sexually immature (!).

VI: The Theory of the Personality

According to Freud, we all begin with the id (Das Es, ‘It’).  This ‘thing,’ this primitive, selfish, savage animal inside us is on an endless quest for gratification.  It operates on the pleasure principle, which, put bluntly, says, “If it makes you feel good, do it.”  It is like a naughty, bratty, spoiled child, constantly demanding the satisfaction of its urges.

Imagine a little boy who hasn’t developed a sense of restraint yet.  The cookie jar in the kitchen is within his reach.  Without even a second’s consideration of the consequences, he impulsively grabs all the cookies he can eat and munches away.  Then Mom catches him, and he gets a spanking.

Having learned his lesson, the boy begins to develop an ego (Das Ich, “I”).  His id is pushed somewhat into his unconscious, and his ego operates on the reality principle, which is a modification of the pleasure principle, saying, “If it makes you feel good, do it, but only if it’s safe.”  Now if he wants to steal from the cookie jar, he must make sure neither Mom nor Dad catches him; if both are totally distracted by the TV in the living room, and if he doesn’t eat so many cookies that his parents know some are missing, he should get away with his act of petty larceny.  If his parents suspect that some cookies are unaccountably missing, perhaps he can blame the theft on a younger sibling!

So far, our boy still hasn’t learned about morality, but he will, from all the authority figures in his life: his parents, teachers, religious leaders, etc.  When he has learned about right and wrong, he has a superego (Das Uberich, “Over-I”), which demands that all his thoughts and behaviour conform to an ego ideal, or perfect standard of morality.  Now, whenever he is tempted to take a cookie or two from the cookie jar, not only does he have to avoid being caught, he has to wrestle with the guilt of knowing he is selfish and inconsiderate to his family.  Perhaps he is fearful of God watching down from heaven with a disapproving frown!

His id has now been repressed deep down into his unconscious; parts of his ego and superego, like an iceberg, are submerged down there, too; part of those two are also in the preconscious, which is just under the surface, and whose thoughts are accessible to the conscious mind.  And now the ego must act as mediator, managing the conflicting demands of libido, reality, and morality.  How can the ego do this?

VII: Ego Defence Mechanisms

Fortunately, the ego has a number of defence mechanisms, which aim to reduce anxiety and guilt.  We have already encountered a few of these, including these two: repression, which pushes unacceptable urges deep into the unconscious, so one doesn’t even know one has such feelings; and displacement, which moves one’s instincts from an unacceptable object to an acceptable one.

Imagine a man being yelled at by his boss in a manner that’s left him feeling humiliated.  He cannot direct his rage at his boss, of course; so when he goes home, fuming inside, he looks for an excuse to blow up at his wife (bad cooking, nagging at him, etc.) or at his kids (playing too loudly, not doing their homework, etc.).

A special kind of displacement is called transference, which involves, for example, displacement of a patient’s feelings (romantic love, hostility, etc.) onto his or her therapist.  When, for example, some of Freud’s female patients began falling in love with their therapists, at first he found the transference a discomfiting distraction from the psychoanalytic task at hand; later, he found it useful to work with the transference as part of the journey to find a cure for the patient’s neuroses.

Along with transference comes countertransference, when the therapist develops feelings for the patient.  Freud recoiled at this returning of feelings, fearing that an emotional involvement with the patient was unprofessional and damaging to the cool, scientific rigour of psychoanalytic investigation; but later analysts, such as those involved in object relations theory, found good uses for countertransference, feeling that it could simulate, and thus regenerate, relationships stifled in their patients’ childhood, a stifling caused by bad parenting.

Other ego defence mechanisms include suppression, a restraining of instincts, but allowing them to remain conscious.  Also, there is denial, whose guilt-relieving mechanism is self-explanatory; and projection, where one throws one’s anxiety-causing instincts onto others, blaming them instead of oneself for the fault.  For example, I could accuse others of being rejecting of me, when actually it is I who am being rejecting of them.  Rationalization, using excuses to justify unacceptable acts or desires, is another defence mechanism.

Yet another ego defence mechanism is reaction formation, where one creates a contrived reaction that represents the opposite attitude to one’s real, and guilt-causing instinct.  A perfect example is in the movie American Beauty, in which a retired marine (played by Chris Cooper) expresses the most hateful bigotry against homosexuals throughout the film; but near the end, he reveals that he himself has suppressed homosexual feelings when he kisses the protagonist (played by Kevin Spacey) on the lips.

One particularly interesting ego defence mechanism is sublimation.  Instead of the more usual, hypocritical defences, this one is actually quite positive in nature, for it redirects unacceptable impulses into creative outlets.  Homosexual Michelangelo’s paintings and sculptures of muscular naked men are a case in point.

Freud’s daughter Anna would develop and see more importance in ego defence mechanisms in her work, especially in her classic work, Ego and the Mechanisms of Defence (1936).  The significance of the unconscious portion of the ego means that in therapy much ego defence is unconscious, so the analyst mustn’t focus only on bringing out id impulses.  Hence, the origin of ego psychology.

VIII: Life and Death Instincts

For much of Freud’s career, he felt that the instinctual drives were all pleasure-based (libido), and sexual in nature.  This is part of the life instinct, also called Eros.

After the horrors of the First World War, however, his thinking about human nature took a darker turn, and would remain essentially thus for the rest of his life (the excruciating pain of his cancer wouldn’t help lighten things up much).  In Beyond the Pleasure Principle, Freud discussed the more destructive side of human nature, and postulated a death instinct (Thanatos would be the word used, though not by him).  This would explain our aggressive and self-destructive sides, as well as our tendency to do the same irrational things over and over again (“the compulsion to repeat“).

All forms of pleasure, whether sexual or death-oriented, involve putting the body into a state of rest.  The cliché of a man and woman in bed after great sex, with him rolled over and fast asleep, and her smoking a cigarette, show how Eros (in this example, in the form of libidinal gratification) leads to a restful state.  As for Thanatos, there is no more absolute a state of rest than death.  As Hamlet said, “To die, to sleep–/No more; and by a sleep, to say we end/The heartache and the thousand natural shocks/That flesh is heir to, –’tis a consummation/Devoutly to be wished.  To die, to sleep…”  So here, the achievement of self-destruction in a nightmare can be seen as an exception to the idea of all dreams as pleasure-causing wish-fulfillment.

IX: Religion

Freud was born a Jew, but was also an atheist.  He believed that God represents the psychological need many of us have for a father figure.  His two major writings on religion, generally discredited since anthropology was not a field he specialized in, were Totem and Taboo, and Moses and Monotheism.  The former dealt with primitive taboos against incest, as well as with Freud’s belief that the killing and ritual eating of the primal father was common in primitive tribes; and in the latter, Freud theorized that Moses was an Egyptian adopted by the ancient Hebrews, who later killed him (this being a reiteration of his theories in Totem and Taboo), then by way of reaction formation assuaged their guilt by revering him as the founding father of their religion.

X: Post-Freud

As previously mentioned, his daughter Anna carried on the torch, with her focus on ego defence mechanisms.  Along with her among the Ego Psychologists was Heinz Hartmann, who focused on how the mind adapts in an evolutionary sense, rather than merely from psychic conflict and frustration.  Given the right environment, a child’s intrinsic potential for adaptation will help it adjust to the demands of the real world, an adaptive development that needn’t be conflictual.

Then there was object relations theory, which explains how problems in adult relationships can be traced to problems in the parent/child relationship.  Famous thinkers in this school include D.W. Winnicott, W.R.D. Fairbairn, and Melanie Klein, with her concepts of the good breast, which nourishes and brings out love, and the bad breast, which doesn’t feed or do any good for the infant, causing it to feel hostility instead.  Her ideas about projective identification expand on Freudian projection to show how a patient can make his projections become real in other people.  Her ideas were quite a break from Freud, though she considered them perfectly consistent with him.

Heinz Kohut, with his conceiving and development of self psychology, did much research and gained much insight into narcissism and NPD.

Jacques Lacan saw himself at one with, even returning to, Freud. Lacan’s notion, for example, that “the unconscious is structured like a language” was in part derived from Freud’s ideas about slips of the tongue and jokes as expressions of the unconscious.  Lacan’s ideas have greatly influenced postmodernism, poststructuralism, critical theory, feminist theory, and such contemporary thinkers as Slavoj Zizek.