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What Is Feared of Communism Is Here in Capitalism

I: Introduction

Several weeks before I started writing this post, I shared a meme on Facebook, one whose pro-Soviet content I don’t remember (and which isn’t all that relevant, anyway), but which also got me a troll reaction from some liberal who said, “No Gulags.” This comment is what has inspired the current article.

I’ve already written a number of defenses of communism in such articles as these, as well as a number of criticisms of capitalism, from both my former anarchist and my current ‘tankie’ perspectives, as can be found here. In this article, though, I feel I need to address something different.

There’s always this fear among many in the West, including many on the left: what if we ‘tankies’ are in denial about how the dictatorship of the proletariat will inevitably become totalitarian and oppressive? My answer in this article is that capitalism has already become so. We’d might as well try socialism. What else have we to lose, but our chains?

II: The Forms of Totalitarianism

Totalitarianism, tyranny, an oppressive state–whatever you want to call it–takes on many forms. I’ll list off pretty much the main forms here. First, and most obviously, totalitarianism discards these:

–a free press
–freedom of speech, and
–democracy

Then, with its intrusive government, we start to go into totalitarianism’s harsher forms:

–cults of personality
–surveillance, and
–police brutality

Finally, we come to the most horrifying forms:

–concentration camps, and
–mass murder, or genocides

Communism, of course, has been accused of perpetrating all of the above. Fascism, even more obviously (or, at least it should be more obvious), has been genuinely guilty of all of these. The horseshit horseshoe theory would have you believe that the extreme left and extreme right are similar in having supposedly led to the same outcomes, leaving liberal democracy as the only viable alternative.

A far more accurate representation of the relationship between the left, centre, and right, however, would be the fishhook theory, in which we can see liberal centrism backsliding into fascism. Recall Stalin’s words on the subject: “Social-democracy is objectively the moderate wing of fascism.” Note in this connection that social democracy is as left-leaning as liberals get; the rest of liberalism moves only further rightward.

A casual observation of Western politics, especially from the dissolution of the USSR to the present day, should demonstrate the truth of Stalin’s words. First, liberals demonized communism in lockstep with conservatives. Then, declaring an “end of history” with communism’s demise and the “free market” as the only viable system, liberals helped to chip away at social welfare, since there was no longer any fear of socialist revolution. Finally, as leftist agitation revives, they’ve used fascism to thwart it.

And here we are.

One must take seriously the notion of a fear of communism, through its association with the atrocities listed above, to understand the great lengths to which right-wingers will go to defend capitalism. Note that these right-wingers are usually of the petite bourgeoisie, the useful idiots of the ruling class, whose real reason for fearing communism is the loss of their wealth; so they fear monger in the media they own to tell the middle and lower classes about communist ‘atrocities.’

As a result, the conservative and liberal masses will tolerate any horrors that go on in our society today so as to prevent a resurgence of socialism. If the poor are so bad off, it’s because they’re lazy, talentless, incompetent ‘losers,’ or they waste money that they should be saving. Never mind that class mobility is a myth. People generally stay in the class they were born in.

When one tries to tell these bootlickers of the rich that the root of the problem of the poor is systemic, the inevitable result of capitalism, they claim that our political problems stem from ‘corporatism,’ because apparently, ‘real capitalism’ and the government are mutually-exclusive antitheses of each other. Never mind that capitalists have always used the state to protect their private property interests: that’s what the cops are for.

Even today’s boot-lickers of the rich cannot deny that the political system, especially that of the past twenty-five years or so, has been nothing less than an unmitigated disaster, one that continues to get worse and worse. What they cannot bring themselves to admit is that this disaster has been the result of the neoliberal experiment, which is a subordination of everything, the government in particular, to the Almighty Market. Hence the need to describe our growing totalitarianism as ‘socialist,’ even when it should be obvious to anyone with half a brain that the current system is anything but socialist.

Politicians on both sides of the political fence accuse each other of being ‘communist.’ Trump and his administration spew constant verbal flatulence about the dangers of ‘radical Marxist extremists,’ when if anything, even among today’s progressives, Western Marxism is practically moribund. Liberals are similar, with Kamala Harris bizarrely calling Trump a ‘communist.’ At first, this comment just seems to be yet another air-headed one from her; yet on closer inspection, we can see how its purpose was really to associate today’s totalitarianism with communism rather than with its true source–fascism.

Her Democratic Party has also joined Republicans in issuing a blanket condemnation of socialism just before Trump’s meeting with ‘socialist’ Zohran Mamdani. This bipartisan fear of socialist ‘totalitarianism’ is bogus given their recent embrace of fascist totalitarianism, as I’ll attempt to prove below. Their real fear, as I mentioned above, is the plan to have workers take control of the means of production, and therefore to take the excess wealth of the billionaire class and redistribute it among the masses. Such a taking of wealth is a taking of power from the ruling class.

But let’s now look at all of the ways that capitalism has turned totalitarian.

III: No More Free Press

This loss didn’t come about in one fell swoop (i.e., with Trump). It started decades ago, and gradually got worse before we came to where we are today. While the mainstream Western media has always been bourgeois in ideology, we can see the beginnings of this particular problem with the abolition of the fairness doctrine in 1987. Introduced in 1949, the fairness doctrine was a policy requiring the media to present controversial issues of importance from differing points of view. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the demise of the Eastern Bloc would come not too many years since the abolition of this policy, it’s easy to see how the already anti-communist stance of the media during the Cold War would become even more insistently pro-capitalist after that.

Next came the Telecommunications Act that Clinton signed into law in 1996, which allowed mergers and acquisitions in the American media, leading to today’s control of about 90% of the US media by only six corporations. This change thus means that most of Americans’ access to information is decided by the ruling class, and therefore reflecting their agenda and interests. There’s an international networking of media to tell essentially the same stories from largely the same political points of view, so this problem is not limited to the US.

The situation got worse in 2013, when Jeff Bezos bought The Washington Post. Just so there’s no misunderstanding that the centibillionaire supposedly has no interest in the political content in his newspaper, in 2025 he announced that the WaPo would essentially promote right-wing views only, euphemistically worded as defending “personal liberties and free markets.” Well, we all know what conservatives mean when they say that.

Additionally, Elon Musk bought Twitter in 2022, idiotically renaming it “X.” The social media website has also become a haven for right-wing views, which should not be surprising, given its owner’s Nazi salute during Trump’s inauguration and other manifestations of Musk’s far-right leanings.

Indeed, Mint Press News (MPN) published an article in late November of 2025 about how seven oligarchs, including of course Bezos and Musk, are now controlling key elements of the mainstream media. Remember in this connection Mark Zuckerberg’s ownership of Facebook. Larry Ellison is to purchase CNN as of the writing of my article, and CNN has already been partisan to the Democratic Party/liberal wing of the ruling class.

When you have oligarchs like these controlling the average person’s access to information, who needs a state-owned media to brainwash them into compliance (and, incidentally, the presence of ex-FBI agents, ex-CIA officials, ex-generals, and former security state operatives in the news–all of whom work for imperialist capitalism, in case there was any misunderstanding–is enough to make one wonder if American media is anything other than state-owned)? The attendance of elites like Zuckerberg, Bezos, and Musk at Trump’s inauguration should have been sufficiently and disturbingly portentous of things soon to come.

Now, there are still left-wing voices like mine and those in alternative media, like MPN or ChatNews Net, to give the people a dissenting voice, but firstly, our voices get nowhere near the circulation of the establishment ones, and we also get trolled a lot by reactionary types, either the useful idiots of that establishment, or paid trolls whose job is to discourage us from being those necessary ones shouting in the wilderness.

The point is that a stifled free press marks the beginning of totalitarianism, because no free press means no freedom of speech, which brings me to my next topic.

IV: No More Freedom of Speech

The one crowning example of a lack of freedom of speech in recent years has been the suppression of pro-Palestinian protestors on the campsites of American universities. This suppression is of crucial importance, for it is about preventing the one basic thing anyone in a truly democratic society should be given the freedom to do: protest injustice.

Injustice has always been a part of human experience, and overcoming it has sadly never been easy. We should, however, at least be able to talk openly about injustice and make demands that it stop. This is especially true if the injustice is as extreme as an ongoing genocide. If the powers-that-be can suppress the protesting of ethnic cleansing, it will become all the easier to suppress the protests of smaller injustices, which leads to…

V: No More Democracy

Let’s start by defining what democracy actually is. At the risk of sounding pedantic and condescending, I’ll use an etymology you should already know: the word comes from Greek words meaning “people rule.” Now, what does the rule of the people actually entail? Mindless voting for a particular political party, with little thought as to what the real issues are (i.e., “Vote blue, no matter who”)? Or does it mean ensuring that the policies enacted serve the will and interests of regular, working-class people?

I’ll put my money on the latter definition.

Let’s compare, for example, Libya under the rule of Muammar Gaddafi, as contrasted with the years of revolving-door voting for different leaders, say, every four to eight years or so in the US, the UK, Canada, etc. Neoliberalism has, over the past forty to fifty years, eroded economic democracy by crushing unions; it has cut welfare funding and regulations to allow the rich to gain more profit at the expense of the people and the environment; and it has generally immiserated the poor, leading to an epidemic of homelessness. How is any of this power for the people? How is it democratic?

Contrast that with the ‘despotic’ rule of Gaddafi. His Jamahiriya, or Third International Theory, was a kind of Islamic socialism that provided for the basic needs of Libyans throughout the years of his rule of the country. The benefits that his government provided included guaranteed universal housing, education, and health care, as well as free electricity and the free starting of farming businesses, bursaries given to mothers with newborn babies, cheap gas, and the raising of Libyan literacy from 25% to 87%.

How is ‘Western democracy’ better than that?

The notion that Gaddafi was a ‘brutal dictator’ would be based on the idea of his suppressing of anyone opposed to his system of government; but who would have opposed such a system? Anyone opposed to the kind of thing his government was providing, of course–that is, opposed to giving the benefits described above to his people (such opposition would have included Islamic fundamentalists, who were often imprisoned during his rule). I don’t know about you, Dear Reader, but I don’t have much sympathy for those opposed to giving the Libyan people the aforementioned benefits.

My point is that Gaddafi may have been a dictator, but whatever actual objective flaws he may have had, he was by any reasonable standard a benevolent dictator. Why is his having stayed in power for over forty years a problem if he had provided those benefits to his people; whereas having an assembly line–as it were–of presidents or prime ministers who change every half- or full decade or so, but largely serve the rich instead of the ordinary people, is considered more democratic?

Another important point must be considered: are the candidates available to be voted for truly representative of the wishes and interests of ordinary people in Western elections, or are they people chosen–directly or indirectly–by the ruling class, while more truly representative candidates are deliberately marginalized, and therefore unavailable?

As anyone who has read enough of my articles should already know, I am no supporter of Bernie Sanders, but note how not only does he not have a snowball’s chance in hell of ever being elected (let alone of being allowed to tax the rich to gain the revenue needed to pay for the FDR-New-Deal kind of social programs that are so popular among working-class Americans), but he is correctly understood to be a sheepdog for the left. The establishment uses people like him and AOC to sell hope to the masses, then at the last minute, he bows down and tells his crestfallen supporters to vote instead for the newest corporate whore of the Democratic Party. This is by design.

Similarly, because of their left-wing political positions, the Green Party of the United States stands no chance of even being in a position to challenge the corrupt and morally bankrupt two-party system of the US, let alone to win elections and implement their policies.

Anyone with any sense knows that the Democrats and the Republicans are, at best, mere variations on each other, and at worst, two wings of the same party, the Capitalist Party, with virtually identical, imperialist policies. While generally less extreme than in the US, the bourgeois political parties of any country under capitalism are of essentially the same nature.

This sad state of affairs is actually worse than having a one-party state (and contrary to bourgeois propaganda, there was and is far more democracy in the Soviet and Chinese systems than is assumed in the West), because in multi-party bourgeois politics, there is the illusion of choice that fools the public into thinking they needn’t change the system. The ruling class will never allow any party to challenge the capitalist system; they’ll never allow anyone to legislate them out of their wealth. Recall Goethe’s words.

Voting does not work. I haven’t even gotten into the corruption of the US electoral college or gerrymandering. Revolution is the solution.

VI: Intrusive Government

Thanks to anti-Soviet propaganda like George Orwell’s Animal Farm or Nineteen Eighty-four, as well as Leon Trotsky‘s description of the USSR as “totalitarian” and his description of their labour camps as “concentration camps,” we in the West have come to associate big, intrusive government with socialism and communism, when associating them with right-wing and fascist governments is far more apt, as I’ll try to demonstrate.

The association of intrusive government with communism is so consummate in the minds of so many in the West that whenever one sees examples of such intrusiveness in the US, it’s assumed that the country has become ‘communist.’ This is especially true when the Democrats are in power, since they are assumed by the politically illiterate to be ‘left-wing.’

Recall in this connection the conservative reaction to Obama becoming president, and how they idiotically said “there’s a communist living in the White House,” and he would enact socialist policies, when in reality he did nothing of the sort. He extended George W Bush’s Patriot Act, ordered more drone strikes than Dubya, was the Deporter-In-Chief, helped oust the actually socialist Gaddafi, and helped the capitalist class do particularly well during the economic crisis of the late 2000s and early 2010s, including bailing out the banks. He was in fact groomed by the ruling class to do things like these. The colour of his skin is completely irrelevant.

The problem of NSA surveillance was exposed by Edward Snowden back in 2013, during Obama’s very capitalist administration. AI is only going to make this surveillance worse, as I’ll demonstrate in its section below.

Obama’s continuation of Bush’s wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as his administration’s involvement in the regime change operations in Libya and Syria, are clear, blatant examples of capitalist imperialism in those countries, not of socialism. When people speak of ‘human rights violations’ in Cuba, I have two words to say to them: Guantanamo Bay, something Obama allowed to continue from Bush’s administration, and which continues to this day, though with fewer people imprisoned.

The point is that the US government, like any capitalist, imperialist government, is so intrusive that it insinuates itself into the affairs of other countries, places it doesn’t belong, either through military invasions or coups d’état. Right-wingers think of intrusive government as being an essentially socialist affair (welfare, single-payer healthcare, etc.), while ignoring the military, NSA, and CIA as branches of the government, which are totally bloated.

The libertarian notion of ‘small government’ is a con game, anyway. It’s not about whether government is ‘big’ or ‘small’; it’s about who the government serves–the people, or the wealthy elite. Similarly, the validity or invalidity of taxation depends on two things, as I see it–who is being taxed the most, and how the tax revenue is being spent. If the rich pay the most taxes, and the revenue is spent on social programs for the poor, taxation is valid; if the middle and lower classes are being taxed up the kazoo, while the rich pay little if any taxes, and if the tax money is being spent mostly on the imperial war machine and to bail out the banks, taxation is invalid.

So, intrusive government can be totally capitalist; socialism has no monopoly on the problem.

Since I’ve been criticizing the Obama administration a lot, and since liberals are always fawning over him and finding no fault in him at all, this brings me to my next point.

VII: Cults of Personality

Anti-communists love to quack about how we tankies supposedly revere men like Stalin and Mao as if they were gods. We do no such thing. It must also be understood that Stalin and Mao rejected the idea of being raised up on such pedestals, contrary to bourgeois propaganda. We Marxist-Leninists are also thoroughly willing to acknowledge their faults as leaders.

Their achievements in helping to modernize Russia and China are enough to explain that their people simply loved them rather than ‘worshipped’ them. Indeed, decades after it was ‘necessary’ to love Stalin, huge numbers of Russians still love him, and it shouldn’t be difficult to see why: over a mere two and a half decades or so, he transformed the USSR from being a backward, agrarian state into an industrialized, nuclear-armed superpower, while also having defeated the Nazis.

Mao’s attempts to modernize China went on a rockier road, admittedly (with the deaths from the Great Leap Forward wildly exaggerated), but the foundation he built was essential to the glorious success of China today. Again, the Western painting of Stalin and Mao as cruel tyrants has far more to do with bourgeois, Cold War propaganda than it does with reality.

Still, all of that is secondary to the point I want to make, which is that the political right has its cults of personality no less, if not much more, than the left has. Hitler and Mussolini had cults of personality, and contrary to the delusions of many right-wing libertarians, fascism is a capitalist ideology, not a socialist one. The whole purpose of fascism is to crush leftist uprisings (which, by the way, should explain the recent rise in fascist totalitarianism); Hitler’s big business donors ensured that he’d never take seriously the S in NSDAP.

But even more to my point is how we can see a cult of personality in recent, capitalist presidents like Obama and Trump, in each of whom one could write up an epic catalogue of awful things both have done. Still, their worshippers refuse to find fault in them, or they at least minimize their faults.

How many times have we seen nauseating praise of Obama has having led the US for eight years without any scandals, and how he was all grace, style, and class? Let’s just conveniently ignore his drone killings, his prosecuting of (and, based on political and social status, double-standards on) whistle-blowers, his expansion of all of the evils of his predecessor’s administration, and everything else I mentioned above? Eight years of grace, style, and class war…there, I fixed it.

Then, there’s Trump’s even more obvious cult of personality. Many among the religious right have imagined that God sent Orange-face to take on the “deep state” and to “drain the swamp” of corruption. If that isn’t a cult of personality, I don’t know what is.

Not only will the MAGA crowd believe such nonsense about Trump, they’ll also do all kinds of mental gymnastics to do away with their cognitive dissonance upon facing the truth. They claim, for example, that as with King David (who committed adultery with Bathsheba and had her cuckolded husband, Uriah the Hittite, killed so he could marry her), God chose a sinner in Trump to do His will. This is so even in light of how it’s pretty much settled that Trump is guilty of having joined in on the sexual exploitation and abuse of underage girls with Epstein et al.

And the ‘president of peace’? Apart from his failure to end the Russia/Ukraine war (which I figured he wouldn’t have been able to do even if he’d sincerely wanted to), his banging of the war drums against Venezuela–not to stop a drug cartel, but to steal their oil, a motive freely admitted to–proves that he’s no less of a warmonger than any other US president. The MAGA crowd still won’t admit that they were conned…that their Lord and Saviour is as much a sheepdog for the right as Bernie Sanders is a sheepdog for the left.

VIII: Surveillance

Now, if there’s any one thing that we associate with totalitarianism, it’s surveillance. We can thank Orwell for that: BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING YOU, telescreens that, as you watch them, people on the other side are watching you, the Thought Police, etc. Furthermore, also thanks to the snitch, totalitarian surveillance is also associated with socialism. So, if people today feel themselves to be surveilled, they all too often tend to think theirs is a socialist government.

Well, we’re far beyond what Snowden discovered over a decade ago as of this writing, and as I’ve endeavoured to demonstrate to you, Dear Reader, ours is a capitalist world. Only a small handful of countries today are of the Marxist-Leninist ideology (and some leftists dispute whether a few of those even are truly socialist). People are going to have to confront the reality that it’s our capitalist government that is oppressing us.

To start with a relatively minor example, you must have noticed by now that whenever you show an interest in this or that product online, you tend to see ads for similar products, or ones associated in one way or another with that product. Obviously, capitalists are surveilling you, and trying to get you to part with your money to buy their product and line their pockets. BIG BUSINESS IS WATCHING YOU.

There are surveillance cameras on streets, ready to catch proof of drivers violating traffic laws (including relatively trivial ones) as an excuse to pass out fines and take more money out of your pockets. There seems to be less of an interest in driver safety than there is in controlling people.

Of course, surveillance has recently been enhanced through the use of AI in the forms of smart homes, smart TVs, smart cars, and smart cities. Orwell’s telescreens had nothing on this. Keep in mind also how this AI is linked with some of the richest men in the world: Jensen Huang, cofounder of Nvidia, as well as Musk, Bezos, and Zuckerberg. There has been growing concern that tech bros like these are further eroding democracy (News flash: they’re all capitalists!)

This surveillance can, of course, be used to help the ruling class track any and all revolutionary activity, on- or offline. Remember how a number of those tech bros are buddying up with Trump. Palantir is another big tech company using AI in aid of government surveillance, helping to enable such things as Trump’s deportations.

Two of Palantir’s founders, Peter Thiel and Alex Karp, have publicly shown themselves to be particularly problematic in their attitudes to human rights, democracy, and warmongering. Thiel has been described as both an Ayn Rand libertarian and a ‘skeptic’ about democracy–something many might find contradictory, but not me, for the reasons I’ve given above and in other posts. As for Karp, one need only watch him ranting in YouTube videos to get a clear sense of how unhinged (and/or addled by narcotics, most likely) he is, fanatically defending imperialist war, Zionism, Western chauvinism, and ICE.

Seriously, do we want loose cannons like these in charge of AI and surveillance? Now ICE, among other things, brings me to my next topic.

IX: Police Brutality and ICE

Now, let’s start going into the truly nasty and violent aspects of our growing totalitarian world, in case what I mentioned above wasn’t enough to convince you, Dear Reader. I know I’ve been focusing a lot on the US, the belly of the beast to which ICE is specific, but manifestations of the militarization of police can be found in many countries around the world–not just in the US, but also in Brazil, Canada, Colombia, France, Germany, Indonesia, Italy, Mexico, and the UK, as well as in Africa. I should hardly need to go into great detail about the harm police militarization does to democracy, to public trust, to marginalized communities in particular, and to civilians perceived as enemies. The Thought Police, NKVD, and Stasi had nothing on these cops.

A lot of white people in the US and elsewhere in the West show little, if any, sensitivity to how these cops brutalize blacks, Latin Americans, and LGBTQ+ people. If such white and conservative people had ever had the experience of being disproportionately targeted by militarized police, though, they’d not only realize what a totalitarian world we’ve been living in, they might also realize that those marginalized groups…are…actually…people, too, no less so than the straight white crowd.

We always hear stories of how the secret police of socialist states would round up dissidents in the middle of the night, using torture and intimidation to crush political dissent. What we don’t hear is how these dissidents were, or were at least perceived to be, the kind of capitalist sympathizers who, if left to do whatever they wanted, would have all the sooner and surer brought back capitalism, leading in turn to the capitalist totalitarian nightmare we’re in now…which includes having the same kind of cops doing the same kind of thing to the anticapitalist dissidents of today.

We’ve already seen the extent to which ICE will terrorize people in the Latin American community on the pretext that they’re illegals, kidnapping them, separating children from their parents in cages, then deporting them. Venezuelans have been sent to CECOT in El Salvador; others have been sent to “Alligator Alcatraz,” places that are actually concentration camps (more on that below), where they’ve suffered all kinds of abuses. These cops often nab them at night, too.

We’ve known for ages about police brutality and the killing of blacks, often with impunity. Note that none of this started under Trump, whom liberals like to blame for everything while ignoring the sins of their favoured presidents: the Obama and Biden administrations presided over a lot of this kind of brutality, as well as the ICE deportations. Fascism has been building and growing in the West for a long time.

Things have taken a recent turn for the worse under the second Trump administration, with Pam Bondi announcing that law enforcement officials are to investigate Antifa and other supposed domestic terrorist groups. This will be nothing less than a crackdown on leftist groups perceived as a threat to the American capitalist government. Note that ‘Antifa’ just means antifascist, which should be deemed a perfectly reasonable stance to have, especially in our increasingly fascist world. So criminalizing an ‘organization’ not clearly defined as such should tell you what kind of a government the US really has. Now, let’s talk about those…

X: Concentration Camps and Prisons

Before I get into the current situation, it might be fitting to point out that, contrary to anti-Soviet propaganda that came from such groups as the CIA during the Cold War, the CIA themselves knew that being in the Gulag labour camps was nowhere near as bad as we’ve been led to believe. Among the many facts given in the link above, the Soviet archives reveal that 20 to 40 percent of Gulag inmates were released every year, and the vast majority of inmates were charged with nonpolitical offences: murder, assault, theft, and any of the other usual crimes punishable in any society.

The Nazi concentration camps, on the other hand, were genuine death camps, in which up to 11 million inmates were victims of murder for being Jews, Roma, gay men, Jehovah’s Witnesses, the mentally ill and mentally or physically disabled, political and religious opposition to the regime, etc. And fascists were and are allied with capitalism, not socialism…in case you forgot.

As for today’s capitalist concentration camps, I’ve already mentioned those in El Salvador and in Florida, where many have been held without charge or due process, and where many are being subject to beatings, psychological and sexual abuse, inhumane living conditions, denial of medical care, incommunicado detention, overcrowding, inadequate food rations, etc.

Let’s now do a comparison of the characteristic detainees: in CECOT and Alligator Alcatraz, the great majority of inmates are Latin Americans; in the Nazi concentration camps, the inmates were mostly “Untermenschen“–Jews, Roma, gay men, the mentally ill and disabled, and political prisoners; in the Gulag, they were mostly criminals. Seriously, which political stance is far, far guiltier of using labour camps as places for abuse and injustice–the far left, or the far right?

Next, we can look at the for-profit prison system, which uses inmates to do labour for corporations and typically pays them wages far below the minimum wage, making the work hardly distinguishable from slavery. Prisons for profit are perhaps most notorious in the US, but they also exist in countries around the world, including the UK, Australia, New Zealand, France, South Africa, South Korea, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Jamaica, Peru, etc., to varying extents.

Note how capitalistic such prisons are (i.e., the motive is maximizing profits for the corporations). The near-slave status of the prisoner-labourers is easily comparable to that of the slaves in the Nazi concentration camps, who generally worked for nothing. In the US, the 13th amendment permits prison slavery. In contrast, in the Gulag, inmates were paid or given food, given more or less of it depending on how productive their work was.

Of course, the very worst concentration camp in the world–and it can legitimately, if metaphorically, be called one, for its victims (innocent men, women, and children) are trapped in the place and murdered and brutalized every day–is the open-air concentration camp that is Gaza. The totalitarian mass murder going on there and elsewhere is my next topic.

XI: Mass Murder

Before I go into the capitalist mass murder of today (and of so many years and decades before that), we need to take a brief look at the nonsense that bourgeois propaganda has said about the deaths blamed on communism, or more accurately, how many deaths there supposedly were due to communism, as opposed to how many deaths there actually were.

The spurious sources of the ‘100 million killed by communists’ idea are such books as The Black Book of Communism, the lies of Robert Conquest, and the like. Please click on the links if you want more detail on that, since I don’t wish to waste time and space going into that. Suffice it to say that the 100 million figure is wildly exaggerated and deliberately contrived for maximum propagandistic effect. Bourgeois paranoia about the spread of communism during the Cold War necessitated, from the ruling class’s point of view, exaggerated numbers meant to shock, not to inform. You know the old cliché: in war, the first casualty is the truth.

In any case, even if one accepts the absurdly high number of 100 million deaths as accurate, this otherwise bloated figure is dwarfed by the millions of people who have died, and who continue to die annually, under capitalism. We’ve been able to feed the entire world for a long time, but we don’t because there’s no profit in doing so. The combined wealth of oligarchs like Musk, Ellison, Bezos, Zuckerberg, Buffett, Thiel, Karp, and others could feed the world, build hospitals and schools, provide affordable (if not free) housing, and the like. The deaths resulting from starvation, disease, homelessness, and war are largely preventable: only the ruling class’s greed and psychopathy prevent it.

The endless imperialist wars cause constant, needless deaths. The Iraq War alone resulted in at least a million deaths. Contrary to what right-wing libertarians think, war is not just ‘government stuff.’ War is a business. Weapons manufacturers like Boeing, Raytheon, Lockheed-Martin, Northrop Grumman, and others are laughing all the way to the bank with all the glorious profits they’re making off of human suffering and death. The stealing of natural resources, like the oil in Iraq and Syria and the oil to be stolen from Venezuela, is a crucial aspect of capitalist imperialism and the obvious motive for these wars.

The recent genocides in Yemen, Palestine, and Sudan are the most egregious recent examples of capitalist mass murder, though. Again, weapons from many countries around the world have been sold to the killers in these genocides: the Saudi-led coalition killing Yemenis, the IDF killing Gazans and those in the West Bank, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) killing the Sudanese.

Special attention ought to be given to the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians, though. The real reason for the support of so many countries around the world, especially the Anglo-American NATO-allied empire, for Israel–apart from the obvious business interests (i.e., the buying and selling of weapons)–is how crucial the Jewish state is as an ally in maintaining imperial control of the region. There’s a lot of oil there, and so a lot of money is to be made. Israel is needed to kick ass in the region to secure those capitalist imperialist interests.

The official number killed in Gaza since October 7th, 2023, as of this writing, and excluding the thousands estimated to be buried under the rubble, is over 70,000 people. The ‘ceasefire’ is of course complete bullshit, since the IDF has still been killing Gazans without interruption, and of course we can see no end to the killing any time soon, for the whole point of the killing is not to stop Hamas, but total extermination.

What should be particularly chilling about all of this is that not only are the people with the power and authority to do so aren’t lifting a finger to stop the killing, but also that these genocides can be seen as a template for possibly wiping out any other group of people who try to stand up to imperialism, colonialism, and capitalism in general. With AI surveillance, any of us in the resistance can be fingered and hit with a drone strike, if not a balls-out genocide like in Yemen, Palestine, and Sudan. The psychopaths in power simply have no respect for human life.

XII: Utopian Thinking

Critics of communism like to claim that we leftists all dream of a perfect world with no pain, and that we’ll force our vision on everybody with a globe-spanning government. It is especially amusing to get this charge of utopianism from the supposedly anti-government right-wing libertarians, who imagine that the “free market” is naturally self-regulating and efficient (easily seen as total bullshit when we consider wasted food and starving people, as well as empty houses and homelessness, to give just two examples), and that the “invisible hand” will magically make everything right.

This “free market” ideology has been increasingly the dominant one in our world since the Reagan/Thatcher years, of course. It would be far more correctly called neoliberalism, since this new liberalizing of the market (translation: let the capitalist class be “free” to be as selfish, greedy, and hoarding as they like) really involves a subordinating of the government (and everything and everyone else) to the whims of the market, not an eliminating of the government.

Just as right-wingers imagine there’s no such thing as governments eradicating poverty (even though many governments have at least made impressive progress in doing so), so do we on the left (as well as anyone with a modicum of common sense) know there’s no such thing as allowing “rational” selfishness to run rampant and magically provide for everyone’s needs, while also not needing a government to protect capitalists’ private property.

For people so supposedly anti-government, many right-wing libertarians sure like getting into it. Look at the ‘libertarian’ Koch brothers, who pumped so much of their wealth into the Republican Party. Look at libertarians Ron Paul and Rand Paul, who work in the government. And look at Argentina’s current president, Javier Milei, a self-proclaimed “anarcho”-capitalist, who is set to receive $40 billion from the Trump administration in exchange for forcing Argentinians to vote for Milei, whose policies ruined the country’s economy. I thought it was bad to let the government intervene in the economy, and to force its will on the people.

Apparently not.

XIII: Cold War Fears of Nuclear War

Now, as if all of the above wasn’t bad enough, the one peace dividend we were supposed to enjoy from the end of the Cold War–no more fears of the two great superpowers, the US and the USSR, going into a hot war and killing everybody all over the world through nuclear annihilation–is no longer to be had. The US/NATO provocation of war with Russia over Ukraine, as well as the looming war with China over Taiwan, has killed even that one peace dividend.

That nut-job I mentioned above, Alex Karp, envisions a three-way war between the West on one side, and Russia, China, and Iran on the other. With the connections between the tech bros (and their AI in the US military) and Trump’s right-wing government, such fears of the world’s annihilation are well-founded.

XIV: Conclusion

So, even if socialist revolution leads to the totalitarian nightmare that the right-wingers are so scared of…so what? What’s the difference between that kind of totalitarianism and the right-wing kind we’re currently living in?

I’ll tell you what the real difference is…and yes, the capitalists are terrified of it. Ordinary people will gain access to free healthcare, housing, and education up to university, full employment, food security, a social safety net, etc…all of their basic needs met, and recipients will include people in the Third World. Getting all those things, however, will also mean that the ruling class will lose all their excess wealth–that’s the real reason they’re so scared of socialist revolution.

Let’s scare them.

Analysis of ‘Brazil’

Brazil is a 1985 satirical dystopian film directed by Terry Gilliam, and written by him, Tom Stoppard, and Charles McKeown. It stars Jonathan Pryce, with Ian Holm, Michael Palin, Katherine Helmond, Kim Greist, Bob Hoskins, Robert De Niro, Ian Richardson, Peter Vaughan, and Jim Broadbent.

The film was successful in Europe, but not in its initial North American release. It has since become a cult film, though, and in 1999, it was voted to be the 54th greatest British film of all time by the British Film Institute, and in 2017, 150 actors, directors, writers, producers, and critics in a poll for Time Out magazine ranked Brazil as the 24th best British film ever.

Here is a link to quotes from the film, and here is a link to the full movie.

The title of the film is an odd choice, since the story is neither about nor set in Brazil; music from an English translation of the Ary Barroso song, “Aquarela do Brasil,” or simply “Brazil” to British audiences, is heard recurrently throughout the film. The English version of the song is sung by Geoff Muldaur.

Gilliam was originally going to name his film 1984 ½, since the story is about a technocratic, bureaucratic, state capitalist, totalitarian future. There was also, in the original title, the influence of Federico Fellini‘s , since that director had a defining influence on Gilliam’s visual style. Michael Radford‘s film adaptation of George Orwell‘s Nineteen Eighty-four (which Gilliam hadn’t read) had just been released, though, so a different title for Gilliam’s film would be needed. Other working titles included The Ministry, The Ministry of Torture, How I learned to Live with the System–So Far, and So That’s Why the Bourgeoisie Sucks, before finally deciding on Brazil, an ironic reference to romantic escapism from the miserable world of the film’s story.

There are other meanings that can be gleaned from the title Brazil, as regards the dystopian society depicted in the film. Consider how Brazil’s government had been a right-wing dictatorship from 1964-1985, this last year being the same as that of the release of the film. Brazil was also one of the South American countries victimized by Operation Condor, which involved the kidnapping and disappearing of anyone the right-wing authorities deemed a leftist, Marxist, terrorist, or communist. Note in this connection how, in the film, people suspected rightly or wrongly of terrorism are rounded up and disappeared by the film’s equivalent of Orwell’s Thought Police.

The setting of the dystopia is left unclear (“somewhere in the 20th century”), though our hearing of English accents among almost all of the cast (except for Americans De Niro and Greist) makes us assume it’s probably somewhere in the UK. The time of the story seems a mishmash of the past and future, with desktop computers that have keyboards like those of old-style typewriters, and with 1940s fashions (i.e., men in suits, overcoats, and hats). The result is a kind of fantasy world, which is fitting, given Brazil is the second of Gilliam’s “Trilogy of Imagination” films (the others being 1981’s Time Bandits and 1988’s The Adventures of Baron Munchausen). Brazil thus might as well be set in an Anglophone version of the country it’s named after. In any case, this mishmash of times and places suggests that the story is one of all times, since the oppression in it is quite universal.

After hearing a bit of the “Brazil” song, we see a TV ad from “Central Services” about…ducts. Ducts will appear in the background in interiors here and there throughout the film as a motif. In this ad, they appear as an exchange-value commodity, sold in various pleasing colours. Towards the end of the film, we’ll see the protagonist, Sam Lowry (Pryce), climb up a pile of ducts to escape the government agents chasing him–he’s using ducts as a use-value.

An important point should be noted in this contrast of commodities. While Brazil is presented as a kind of comic version of the Orwellian totalitarian state, it should be emphasized that Gilliam’s dystopia is a capitalist one, not a “Stalinist” one. The consumerism satirized in an ad for..aesthetically pleasing…ducts as exchange-values for money (and therefore for profit)–as opposed to ducts as use values, to help Lowry escape to freedom (or so he imagines) from that very totalitarian state–is one of many examples of such consumerism (including botched cosmetic surgery) that show that this dystopia is the diametric opposite of socialism.

So many on the political right suffer from a delusion that the left has a monopoly on totalitarian, tyrannical governments (while we on the left insist that socialist states, apart from the anarchists and Trotskyists, are nothing of the sort), so much so that they turn a blind eye to how the “free market” has led to billionaires buying governments and political parties, leading in turn to the very “corporatism” they say they oppose…and I haven’t even gotten into MAGA-style fascism!

The TV ad is shown on a number of TV sets put in a shop display window; we see window shoppers walking by as the ad comes to an end. As soon as it does, there’s a huge explosion, destroying the TVs and the whole shop. It is understood to be an act of terrorism, aptly happening immediately after the commercial, a demonstration of capitalist consumerism. Other terrorist explosions will occur later, also juxtaposed with consumerist scenes such as dining in a fancy restaurant, and shopping in a department store. In the mid-1980s, one would have been reminded of the IRA.

After this first terrorist bombing, we see a TV news interview with Mr. Eugene Helpmann (Vaughan), the Deputy Minister of Information, who says that these acts of terrorism are motivated by resentment over “seeing the other fellow win,” because they don’t want to “play the game,” which is conforming with the capitalist system. And as we know, this capitalist system makes “the other fellow win” by exploiting the rest of us.

It’s understood that a man named Archibald Tuttle (De Niro) is responsible for the terrorist acts, and so an arrest warrant is printed out for him; but an insect gets jammed in the teleprinter making a copy of the warrant, causing a misprint of his name, changing it to that of cobbler Archibald Buttle (played by Brian Miller), who will be wrongfully arrested and killed instead.

At Buttle’s home just before his arrest, which is also just before Christmas, his wife (played by Sheila Reid) is reading the ending of Charles Dickens‘s A Christmas Carol to their daughter, in which we learn of how Scrooge has proven himself to be a fully redeemed, good man. If you’ll recall my analysis of Dickens’s novella, I noted that the author’s proposed solution to the problem of poverty–the rich being generously charitable, as opposed to a transformation of society into one that produces commodities to provide for everyone’s needs, not for profit–is “peak liberalism.”

The problem with a social-democratic way of dealing with poverty is that when the tendency of the rate of profit to fall puts pressure on capitalists to replace welfare capitalism with neoliberalism, as happened in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, this in turn leads to a fascist tightening of control on things to protect the interests of the ruling class, as we’ve seen in the 2020s, and as we see in the bureaucratic dystopia of Brazil.

Indeed, a mere bureaucratic error is what leads to the ruin of the Buttle family, whose flat is barged into by government agents, who cut a circular hole into the floor of the flat of Jill Layton (Greist) and ceiling of the Buttle family’s flat (i.e., Jill lives in the flat above the Buttles’). These agents surprise and terrorize the family as they slide down poles like firemen through the circular hole, then arrest Mr. Buttle. Other agents break through his flat’s window and door; he’s put in a bag-like jacket, as if he were a commodity sold and packaged, and his wife and children are traumatized by the experience. Today, we’d be reminded of immigration raids on apartments in Chicago.

To add insult to injury, Mrs. Buttle is made to sign the paperwork for her husband’s arrest, and those found guilty of breaking any laws will have to pay for their periods of detention, as will be the case with Buttle. The next scene starts with shots of the office where Lowry works: an endless maze of desks, paperwork, and bureaucrats–the Ministry of Information, with his boss, Mr. Kurtzmann (Holm). Buttle is just one of possibly many whose lives have been ruined…and all we see is the paperwork being pushed around.

Another reason to emphasize that the totalitarian dystopia in Brazil is anything but socialist is that it has a capitalist government mired in bureaucracy. If there’s one thing that anti-communists and Trotskyists love to condemn about socialist states like the USSR, it’s the bureaucracy in them, as if such a problem has never existed under other political systems. In Lenin’s later writings, as well as in some of Stalin’s, there is a vehement complaint about the Russian bureaucracy that the Bolsheviks inherited after the Revolution, and that something had to be done about it. The problem with bureaucracy is that it’s so difficult to get rid of, and it’s so easy for it to creep back into political life so soon after being rid of it. It doesn’t exist merely because power-hungry people want it there to help keep them in power.

Anyway, as soon as Kurtzmann stops watching his workers and returns to his office, they stop their pretense of diligence and switch their computer screens to watch a movie. Kurtzmann sees the paperwork on Buttle, realizes it’s an error, and calls on Lowry to come to his office…though Lowry isn’t at work. Kurtzmann can also hear the music of the movie his staff is watching, though as soon as he opens his office door and looks out, he sees no watchers of movies, but just diligent workers again.

He calls out to the workers to find Lowry, but no one replies. Lowry is actually at home in bed, dreaming about being a winged hero in armour flying among the clouds and seeking out a beautiful maiden, often appearing in his dreams as a damsel in distress, and always with the face of Jill Layton. His dream, of course, is a classic case of Freudian wish-fulfillment.

Just as the staff in the office use movies as a form of escapism from the same mind-numbing job that Lowry has, so does he use his dreams as escapism. He’s no dashing hero: he’s a dork doing a relatively pointless job. He isn’t particularly desirable to even the real Jill (at least not at first…apparently); how much less desirable would he be to some idealized beauty!

As we go through the dream with him, we hear a lush orchestral arrangement of the “Brazil” song, reinforcing the contrast between the ideal world that the song represents and the dull reality that Lowry and the other bureaucrats have to live in. He sees her, resplendent in the light among the clouds, and they kiss, though her veil is between their lips, symbolic of how there will always be something between him and her.

The Jill of his dreams is properly understood as a projection of himself; she is symbolically a mirror reflection of his own narcissism. In this state, Lowry is in the world of what Jacques Lacan called the Imaginary, the dyadic experience of the other as an extension of oneself. Lowry isn’t fully, properly invested in the sociocultural world of the Symbolic; this is why he doesn’t want the promotion to Information Retrieval that his mother, Ida Lowry (Helmond), has pulled strings for to get for him, because such a promotion would mean more responsibility and social involvement for him. He wants to keep his low-level job so he can stay minimally involved with the real world and be more involved with his Imaginary world…his dreams.

He’s late for work because his alarm clock didn’t wake him, just as his coffee maker doesn’t work, spilling coffee on his toast, and later, his air-conditioning won’t work. Machinery frequently doesn’t work in Brazil; it’s as inefficient as the bureaucracy.

In the main lobby of the Ministry of Information building, we see a huge, Art Deco statue of a winged man and a woman under him, indicating the obvious inspiration of Lowry’s dreams. This statue, along with the cityscapes in the movie, is influenced by the visual style of Fritz Lang‘s Metropolis, thus reinforcing the retro-futuristic dystopia we see in Brazil.

Lowry finally shows up at work there in that lobby, where he sees, for the first time in a while, Jack Lint (Palin), who in his success in and conformity with the system is the diametric opposite of Lowry. Indeed, Lowry, in his reluctance to be promoted to Information Retrieval and thus “play the game,” is a case of Lacan’s notion that “les non-dupes errent.” Lint, however, is ‘duped’ enough to think that bureaucratic errors aren’t errors (at 1:19 here), and so he ‘never errs’ in his upwardly-mobile life.

As Lowry is chatting with Lint, though, he sees Jill on the surveillance camera screens behind Lint. For the first time in Lowry’s life, the girl of his dreams has been manifested in the real world. She’s no longer the little-o-other as a mirrored extension of his narcissistic self: she is the big-O-Other of radical alterity, an individual in her own right, separate from him. Accordingly, she’s no damsel in distress needing a man to save her; in fact, she’s in the lobby trying to rescue a man, Mr. Buttle, from the clutches of the fascist government, though the bureaucratic red tape is proving to be a real source of frustration for her.

Visually corresponding to this contrast between the fantasy Jill and the real, independent, go-getter Jill is how the former is a long-haired beauty queen, while the latter has short hair in a 1980s style (somewhat similar to this, but shorter), differing sharply from the traditional lady look of the 1940s fashions that all the other women have. Further adding to her tough look is the fact that Jill is a truck driver wearing a kind of jumpsuit rather than a dress. She thus adds a touch of realism to the film’s fantasy world.

When Lowry is in Kurtzmann’s office and is using the computer there, he realizes the error of having arrested Buttle instead of Tuttle. Kurtzmann is relieved to know the error isn’t the fault of his department, but of Information Retrieval. Kurtzmann would feel helpless without Lowry’s help if he’d lost Lowry through a promotion to Information Retrieval, which Lowry of course doesn’t want…yet.

Lowry later meets with his mother, Ida, who is with her plastic surgeon, Dr. Louis Jaffe (Broadbent). He wraps a sheet of plastic around her face so tightly that her looks are grotesquely distorted, yet he says “she’s twice as beautiful as before.” The scene satirizes the disappointment one often has upon receiving plastic surgery (more because of psychological issues like body dysmorphia and unrealistically high expectations than of complications or incompetence on the part of the doctor), as well as the fact that it reflects Ida’s preoccupation with social status and that she’s rich enough to afford the surgery.

As she and Lowry go to a high-class French restaurant to meet with some of her friends, he tries to tell her he doesn’t want the promotion to Information Retrieval that she’s pulling strings to get for him. She wants him promoted to improve her social status by association with him, not to improve the quality of his life. His narcissistic dreams about Jill stem from Ida’s own narcissism, a point made clear near the end of the film, when he sees Jill’s face on his mother’s body, an obvious Oedipal transference.

At a table in the restaurant, Lowry, Ida, and her two friends are served dishes that, though the photos set over the food are of normal and appetizing food, are actually just scoops of monochromatic…rice? Though this is supposed to be a fancy restaurant, the presentation of the dishes in this way seems to be a satirical comment on the uniform-looking, processed food found in fast-food restaurants, a vulgarization of commodities that we see in a hyper-consumerist society.

The satire on the futility of expecting plastic surgery to turn an aged woman into an Aphrodite continues when one of Ida’s lady friends, Mrs. Terrain (played by Barbara Hicks) prefers another plastic surgeon over Dr. Jaffe, only to discover, over the course of the film, that increasing complications with her surgery will result in her being covered in bandages, and even dying towards the end of the movie.

As the four eat and discuss plastic surgery (and Lowry continues in all futility to dissuade his mother from pushing for his promotion), there’s another terrorist attack, an explosion off in the corner of the dining area. Apart from the initial scare, everyone carries on as normal, as if the bombing were a mere annoyance. The string quartet, for example, promptly resumes playing their music. Such an upper-class world is so insulated from the horrors of reality that they can regard the horrors as mere inconveniences.

When asked if he’ll do anything about the terrorists, Lowry says it’s his lunch hour; furthermore, dealing with terrorism is not his department. This is why he likes his low-level job: in it, he doesn’t have to get too involved with the social world, as I described above in Lacanian terms. When he meets Jill and gets emotionally involved with her life, he’ll be thrown into the social world of the Symbolic, and he’ll find himself caring about someone other than himself. Unlike his current, complacent self, he’ll be overwhelmed with anxiety over what could happen to Jill when the government associates her with Tuttle and terrorism via her probing into what has happened to Buttle.

He has another of his dreams as the winged hero about to meet with long-haired, veiled Jill, but their meeting is interrupted by skyscrapers ripping up from the grassy ground in a rural area and shooting up into the sky. The ideal, wish-fulfillment of his dream is being invaded by the harsh, urban reality of his waking life. These sprouting skyscrapers come between him and his love, and he soon wakes up in bed in his flat, realizing that his air conditioner isn’t working, and ducts are spewing smoke all over one of his rooms. He has to call Central Services for urgent help, but they won’t come any time soon.

He has to keep cool by sitting with his head in the fridge. Tuttle, of all people, arrives in his flat to fix the air conditioning as a freelancer, which is illegal. In his kindness in helping Lowry, Tuttle is demonstrating that “terrorists” aren’t necessarily bad people, something a lot of people today still don’t know about such Palestinian resistance as Hamas, for example.

Nelson Mandela is today honored as a hero in the fight against South African apartheid. It isn’t all that well remembered, though, that he was once called a terrorist (by such charming people as Reagan and Thatcher back in the 1980s) and imprisoned for having resorted to violence as a necessary tactic in the struggle against apartheid. Revolution is not a dinner party. Tuttle should be understood in this context.

Two employees of Central Services at long last arrive at Lowry’s flat to repair his air conditioning (they’re played by Hoskins [Spoor] and Derrick O’Connor [Dowser]), but being grateful to Tuttle and recognizing he’s a good man, Lowry stalls Spoor and Dowser so Tuttle can escape. Lowry mentions the need to have the proper paperwork–a 27B stroke 6–to make Spoor and Dowser leave to get it. For once, the bureaucracy has been of good use.

Tuttle leaves Lowry’s flat by going outside and hooking himself to a cable, sliding down off the building and disappearing into the night darkness of the city, as if he were Batman or Spiderman. Tuttle is an actual hero, unlike the fantasy hero Lowry imagines himself to be in his dreams.

In Tuttle’s freelance repairing of Lowry’s air conditioning, he exposes the ducts behind the wall in the room; ducts can be seen to represent breathing, the circulation of air to remove carbon dioxide (symbolized by the smoke that filled Lowry’s room) and supply oxygen (as represented by the desired air conditioning). This breathing, in turn, represents the ability to express oneself and to give and receive communication freely, as opposed to a bureaucratic, dystopian society that stifles real communication. Tuttle’s repairs–in conjunction with his role as “terrorist”–show him to be a true hero, restoring free communication.

Later, Lowry discovers more problems with the Tuttle/Buttle mistake when he finds that the wrong bank account has been debited for the arrest. He offers to go to the Buttle residence in person and give Buttle’s widow a refund cheque for the debit. On his way there, in an absurdly tiny car, he’s listening to the “Brazil” song (which Tuttle in the repairs scene was humming) on the car radio. The music is interrupted by a news report about another terrorist bombing, but he switches the radio back to the song. He’d still rather continue living in the escapist world of his dreams, as represented by the song, than face the problems of the real world.

This avoidance of the real world is about to end, though: he’s already seen Jill’s face on the surveillance monitor screens in the Ministry of Information lobby, and he’s about to see her in the flesh above the Buttle flat (through that circular hole). He’s met Tuttle and seen that the “terrorist” isn’t as he seems. A convergence between his fantasy life and his real life is about to arrive…like those skyscrapers sprouting up from the grassy ground in his dream. This inciting incident–of seeing Jill–will pull Lowry from the Imaginary and into the Symbolic, making him care, for the first time in his life, about the real world and its problems.

His seeing her–through a reflection in a broken-off piece of mirror, then seeing his own face in it, thus indicating the Lacanian mirror showing her as a narcissistic extension of himself–is in ironic juxtaposition to the anguish felt by Mrs. Buttle and her little boy over Mr. Buttle’s death, which should be pushing Lowry to care about those other than himself…when all he wants to do is deliver the cheque and find Jill. He’s being thrown into society, however reluctantly.

His sense of the horror of the totalitarian society he’s in is awakening, along with his soon-to-come decision to accept the promotion to Information Retrieval (so he can gain access to Jill’s classified records), but this awakening is only with the motive to get to her and protect her, not to be of any help to the broader society (i.e., people like the Buttles) and protect them from the fascist government. He has one foot in the Symbolic and the other firmly rooted in the Imaginary. In his narcissistic wish only to have what’s good for himself, we see one of the ways that the common man contributes to the oppression of all of us in a dystopian world.

On the bus and contemplating acceptance of the promotion while looking at printout images of Jill, Lowry has another of his escapist reveries about her. Instead of flying among the clouds or over a grassy rural area, our winged hero is flying between skyscrapers in a surreal version of the city he lives in. Since there’s the fear of her being arrested and charged with terrorism for having asked too many questions about Buttle, in the dream we see her caught in a cage in the air, dragged on ropes by baby-masked grotesques on the ground. He lands and draws a sword to confront them.

Then he snaps out of his reverie, and we see him back on the bus. He arrives at his flat to find the ducts all pulled out from the ceiling and walls, making his home a mess. Spoor and Dowser are doing an “emergency procedure” in response to Lowry’s telephone call to Central Services earlier, having complained about “an emergency” about his air conditioning before Tuttle repaired it. Spoor wants Lowry to sign the 27-B stroke six. When Spoor and Dowser realize someone else fixed the air conditioning…illegally, they leave his flat in a mess. Bureaucracy has failed, again.

He falls asleep, and his dream resumes, with him confronting a giant, armored samurai reminding me of Spoor, and after trying to cut Jill free of the ropes holding her cage, he sees that one of those who were dragging the ropes is Mrs. Buttle, who–as she did in her flat when he gave her the cheque–asks of what’s been done with her dead husband’s body. It’s clear that his dreams are being increasingly disrupted by the dystopian reality of his waking life–they’re getting less and less escapist. He’s also feeling a tinge of guilt over having not done enough for the common people in his bureaucratic job.

He has to fight the giant Spoor-samurai personifying the totalitarian government, but his adversary is too big and strong for him, being able to appear and disappear at will, before Lowry can get a chance to slash hm with his sword. The Spoor-samurai fights with a huge spear, which Lowry manages to get from him and stab him in the torso, with flames instead of blood coming out of the wound. When he removes the dead samurai’s metal mask, though, he sees not Spoor’s face, but his own. Lowry has been as much a part of the evil state-capitalist system as Spoor could ever be.

Lowry is woken up by the doorbell. A singing telegram lady is inviting Lowry to his mother’s party, where he can meet Mr. Helpmann and ask for the promotion to Information Retrieval. Since I’ve maintained that Lowry’s promotion is representative of his entering the Symbolic Order (the world of society, culture, and language, one of many Others, not just the dyadic other of the Oedipal mother/son relationship), and since it’s Mr. Helpmann who is…helping…Lowry get the promotion, then Helpmann–old enough to be Lowry’s father, by the way–is representative of the father who brings an end to a boy’s Oedipal relationship with his mother and, through the Name of the Father, gets the boy into society.

Indeed, Lowry meets Helpmann at a social gathering, his mother’s party, and he helps the crippled old man use the bathroom–like a dutiful son. Towards the end of the film, after he and Jill have been arrested, he is told by Helpmann–dressed as Father Christmas, as the British would call him–that Jill was killed during their arrest. Since Jill, as Lowry’s objet petit a, his unattainable object of desire, his little-o-other (autre in French) that is the remnant of his Oedipal desire for Ida (on whose face he sees Jill’s, in his hallucinatory sequence before the film’s end, recall), Father-Christmas-Helpmann is telling Lowry he can’t have her…this is the Non! du Père.

Another interesting point to keep in mind is that we never know of Lowry’s actual father in the film. Since Lowry loses his mind at the end of the film, we can relate Lacanian psychoanalysis to him further, in how the exclusion of the father from the family structure, the absence of the Symbolic father, via foreclosure, is linked to psychosis. There’s just Lowry and Ida/Jill in a dyadic relationship with him…not one with society.

To get back to the story, when Lowry is to begin work in Information Retrieval, he finds his new boss, Mr. Warrenn (Richardson), going hurriedly up and down the halls with a group of his employees discussing work. Such busy chit-chat among a crowd of hurrying people symbolizes the essence of society, what Lowry has been thrown into, just so he can find Jill.

Mr. Warrenn shows Lowry his new office. Lowry goes into the small, confining room, only to realize he has to share a desk that slides in and out of his office through a wall into the neighbouring office, where Harvey Lime (played by co-screenwriter McKeown) works. Lowry would like to use Lime’s computer to find the information he needs on Jill, but Lime insists on only using his computer himself. Lowry’s wish not to have anyone help him find out about Jill reflects his preference not to engage with society.

Still, Lime insists not only on using his computer himself, but also on being left alone in his office to do it, so Lowry reluctantly returns to his office. Bored and waiting at his desk for Lime, Lowry goes back into his reverie as the hero. Jill is in the cage floating up into the air, now that he’s cut the ropes holding it down; he’s lost his wings after the fight with the samurai, so he can’t fly up to her. He has to grab onto a dangling rope and climb up to her. As he starts to, a huge pair of brick hands reach up from the ground, grab his legs, and prevent him from climbing. The face of the brick ground monster is Kurtzmann’s, asking him not to leave for Information Retrieval. Lowry wakes up.

The notion of Kurtzmann holding Lowry back as he does in the dream just represents Lowry’s lack of commitment in leaving the dyadic narcissism of the Imaginary to enter the larger society of the big-O-Other in the Symbolic. It’s this lack of commitment that will be his ultimate downfall. He only cares about Jill as a mirrored extension of himself.

Lime has found information on her from his computer, and Lowry has a look at a printout. It’s only basic information, though, a mere physical description, so Lowry wants to use Lime’s computer himself to get more information, which he’ll get from a room the computer refers him to. He leaves.

The room he goes to is where Lint is, as well as Lint’s little daughter, Holly (whom he confuses with ‘Amy,’ indicating how, in spite of–or because of–his success at work, Lint is alienated from even his own family). When Lint sees the printout on Jill, and hears that the government got the wrong man (Buttle), he denies making any mistake as mentioned above. Lowry also learns that Buttle died in Lint’s custody as his torturer (Lint has blood on his white jacket from having finished torturing someone), for which Lint feels no pangs of conscience whatsoever.

And because Jill has been asking too many questions about Buttle, she is being associated all too closely with the Tuttle affair, and therefore she is in danger of being arrested herself–so Lowry is worried. He gets her file from Lint, claiming he’ll take care of her, when really he’s trying to protect her from the government.

On the way down the elevator and looking in her complete files, Lowry sees Jill at the lobby desk again, still complaining about how the bureaucracy is of no help in finding out what happened to Buttle. She is doing what Lowry should be doing, though: helping others for their sake, not just helping one’s own dyadic other for one’s own sake.

Descending from on high in that elevator, he is like the winged hero of his dreams, yet he’s hardly capable of rescuing her, for the malfunctioning elevator takes him down to the basement instead of the ground floor, where she is. We hear the romantic orchestration of the “Brazil” song again, yet he is in the sobering real world, the Symbolic, not that of his dreams, the Imaginary.

He manages to get up to the ground floor, where guards are about to arrest her, but he uses his authority as an employee of Information Retrieval to get her away from them, out of the building, and into her truck. She’s gotten into the truck by her own agency, though–she’s no damsel in distress. He isn’t the hero of his dreams, either, in spite of his frantic efforts to save her. He’s just a bumbling fool, which is obvious to her.

In meeting her for the first time, he’s encountering her not as a narcissistic mirror of himself, but as a separate individual in her own right–the big-O-Other, not the little-o-other. He isn’t adjusting well to his transition from the Imaginary to the Symbolic. She just finds him a nuisance, and so she kicks him out of her truck.

He won’t give up in his attempts to win her love, though–indeed, he hangs on to the truck as she’s driving off–and over time, she warms up to him…or so it seems. Since some of the images we see in the film seem to be getting more and more surreal, and since we’ve already seen so many of Lowry’s dreams and reveries, we may start to wonder how much of what is happening to him is real, and how much of it is his own imagination, including if she’s really beginning to like him, or if it’s just more wish-fulfillment on his part.

An example of a somewhat surreal moment, just after the beginning of the warming-up to him, is the sight of a charming orange house, complete with a surrounding white picket fence, that is pulled up off the ground by a crane, to reveal behind it an ugly, fiery, smoky factory. This is seen while that orchestration of the “Brazil” song is heard: beauty, love, and happiness are illusory escapism in the dystopian nightmare of Brazil.

When she stops to pick up a package and he is paranoid about the government agents arresting her, she says he has “no sense of reality.” This is not only true, but a foreshadowing of the film’s ending, in which we realize he’s been fantasizing about having escaped with her from the government agents to a rural, grassy, Edenic world, all the while as he’s really still in the torture room with Lint, strapped to a chair and having fully lost his mind.

He tells Jill they should drive the truck far away, to somewhere safe, but she knows there isn’t any such safe place. She has the grip on reality that he lacks.

She tells him that the package she has picked up is a Christmas present, but he suspects it’s a bomb, and that she is thus associated with the likes of Tuttle. Annoyed both at his working for Information Retrieval and his disdain for the needed revolutionary resistance of the “terrorists,” she asks if he’s ever met any actual terrorists, if he knows any of them, i.e., as opposed to having only prejudicial, preconceived notions of “terrorists” as a result of government propaganda.

They arrive at a shopping mall, where a Santa (or Father Christmas, whichever) is asking kids what they want for Christmas. A girl answers that she’d like her own credit card. Indeed, this is the consumerist reality that a once religious holiday has been degraded into…and forty years since the release of Brazil (as of the publication of this analysis), the consumerism has only gotten worse.

In the mall, Lowry and Jill openly admit that neither of them trusts the other, and he tries to get the package from her. She has it behind a mirror, where she can’t be seen, and on the other side he meets and chats with the ever-more bandaged Mrs. Terrain while his hidden hand is still holding onto the package. Another terrorist bombing interrupts their brief chat. Lowry rushes off to find Jill, whose package he so judgementally assumes caused the explosion, yet she proves it really was just a gift, a bribe for the bureaucrats. Jill’s helping of the injured people shows the difference between his fake morality and her real morality.

Further proof of Lowry’s mental drifting away from reality is his hallucination of the giant samurai among the police who enter the mall just after the explosion. He briefly fantasizes that he’s in the role of the dashing hero about to confront the samurai, but after Jill warns him not to (in sharp contradistinction to her role as the damsel in distress of his dreams and reveries), he’s knocked out and temporarily taken into custody.

His hallucination demonstrates how he’d still rather stay in his escapist, narcissistic world of the Imaginary than be in the real, social world of the Symbolic and help those injured in the bombing. Other people are still just reflections of himself, rather than actual other people, and so in his narcissistic mental state, Lowry cannot be of any meaningful help in ridding his world of the bureaucratic, totalitarian nightmare that it’s in.

While taken away in the police truck, Lowry wants to find Jill among all those arrested in those bag-suits. He only cares about her-as-mirror-of-himself. None of the other ones arrested are of any concern to him, though they’ll surely suffer no less than Jill would. In any case, she isn’t even among them.

Back at his desk in Information Retrieval, Lowry is bawled out by Mr. Warrenn not only for having neglected the paperwork on his desk, but also for a number of bureaucratic misdeeds starting from back when he was introduced in the film, up to the present, misdeeds that will lead to his arrest. His negligence in Information Retrieval also symbolically indicates his lack of involvement in the greater society (even though his work in Information Retrieval isn’t anything more that the usual bureaucracy); this lack of involvement in the Symbolic Order, favouring instead the narcissism of the Imaginary, will lead to his eventual downfall.

Lowry hopes to get help from Lint about what’s happened to Jill, which of course is useless, since Lint is clearly on the side of the totalitarian system…after all, Lint is a torturer of those arrested. Recall the blood on Lint’s clothes during Lowry’s previous visit, when Lint was with his daughter, as well as his disregard for Buttle’s health condition when he died under Lint’s torture. When Lowry insists on Jill’s innocence of any involvement in terrorism, he’s only further endangering himself by his sympathetic association with her. Accordingly, Lint doesn’t want to be associated with Lowry anymore, in any way.

Lowry is so furious with the bureaucratic system that won’t help him save her that he tosses his backlog of desk paperwork all about his office, and he uses one of the ducts there to redirect any new paperwork back out from his office into the halls, where it makes a mess everywhere. The ducts can thus be seen also to symbolize intestines, so that the bureaucratic shit is sent in the opposite direction…an interesting point to be made when we see the soon-to-come scene of Tuttle filling up Spoor’s and Dowser’s environment suits with raw sewage back at Lowry’s flat.

Indeed, Lowry returns to his flat to find out that it isn’t his flat anymore. Spoor and Dowser, in those suits, show him the paperwork authorizing their repossession of his home; they’ve done this in revenge for his having allowed Tuttle, a “scab,” to do his illegal freelance repairs of Lowry’s air conditioning instead of letting Central Services do it.

Now, a right-wing libertarian might look at Tuttle’s illegal freelance repairs as a case of the superiority of the “free market” over the “corporatist” Central Services, which is an arm of the totalitarian government. Remember, though, that Gilliam is careful to emphasize the consumerism and class differences–that is, the capitalism–of the society Lowry lives in (remember also the poverty of the community Buttle lives in, as opposed to the opulence of plastic-surgery-seeking Ida and Mrs. Terrain). The totalitarian dystopia of Brazil is in no way socialist. It may be state-capitalist, but it’s capitalist all the same.

Those ducts, as I mentioned above, are as exchange-values a case of the capitalist profit motive, but also as connected with the government (via Central Services), the ducts represent the state’s intrusive tendrils, as it were, or as I also said above, the filthy intestines of the body of the state. So, fittingly, Tuttle appears outside Lowry’s flat and helps him exact revenge on Spoor and Dowser by making those duct intestines…so to speak…fill up the two men’s environment suits with shit until they explode. Tuttle’s heroism isn’t pro-laissez-faire, it’s anti-state-capitalism.

Jill appears by the flat, much to Lowry’s relief, and just as they’re about to kiss, Tuttle goes off on a cord, like Spiderman, away among the other city skyscrapers of the night, as he did the last time. Recall that he’s the true hero of the story, not Lowry…and Tuttle is only a “terrorist” insofar as he’s a headache to those in power. The “terrorist” explosions, for all we know, could really just be the result of the many machinery malfunctions that occur throughout the movie.

Lowry knows he and Jill have to hide from all the government agents, and without a flat anymore, he’ll have to hide with her in the home of his mother, who’s away for Christmas at the plastic surgeon’s, or so Lowry understands. Apart from the beautiful interior decor of Ida’s home, indicating further her upper-class status, we can see a number of ducts up by the ceiling. After a few awkward seconds, Lowry and Jill finally kiss, and we hear the “Brazil” music again.

Before they can make love, though, Lowry has to leave for the Information Retrieval building, for he’s thought of a way to save her: fabricate her death in the records. In doing so, of course, he’s putting himself in ever greater danger of being arrested. He hopes to find Mr. Helpmann (his father-figure, recall), yet he sees on Helpmann’s desk a photo of Ida, which may make us wonder with whom she’s really spending Christmas…or is Lowry just imagining seeing the photo?

Lowry returns to Ida’s home to tell Jill that he’s deleted her existence in the government records. By the bed, she looks like the Jill of his dreams: with flowing long blonde hair, and in a white dress. Once again, the line between his sense of reality and fantasy is being blurred. Since Jill is now “dead,” she says the famous line, “Care for a little necrophilia?” They make love.

It’s fitting that we should see the final fulfillment of Lowry’s fantasy here, complete with another reverie of him with her in his winged getup, preceding his imminent nightmarish descent into torture and madness. The next morning, they’re in bed, naked except for a gift bow tied around her chest, since she’d offer herself to him as a Christmas present. The scene still has this fantastic quality that makes us suspect that little, if any, of this moment is real. Lowry’s grip on reality is slipping further and further.

And just as they’re about to make love again, the Brazil equivalent of the Thought Police break into the room, just as they did in the Buttles’ flat. And since Lowry and Jill are naked after having just made love, this surprise arrest is just like that of Winston Smith and Julia in Nineteen Eighty-four (note also in this connection that Jill’s name is practically a pun on Julia).

Jill is shot and killed during this arrest (Lowry is no dashing hero to rescue her, recall), and his oddly-late realization of her death–from Mr. Helpmann, dressed as Father Christmas, telling him while in custody–means that he’s lost the one person who ever mattered to him. She mirrored back his grandiose self to him. Without engagement in either the Symbolic or the Imaginary, Lowry now has only the madness of Lacan’s Real Order–an undifferentiated, traumatic world.

In his psychotic break from reality, something he’s been lapsing into for some time now but has fully come into, Lowry no longer sees any differentiation between fantasy and reality. The trauma of having lost Jill is too great for him to bear. To use Lacanian language, Lowry’s madness is the traumatic non-differentiation of the Real.

To describe his madness in different psychoanalytic language, that of Heinz Kohut, both sides of Lowry’s bipolar self–the idealized parental imago, and the aforementioned grandiose self–have been compromised, which leads to psychological fragmentation and psychosis. The absence of a father in Lowry’s life–the foreclosure I referred to above, and now even Helpmann as father figure has proven to be of no compensation–means he has no parental ideal to hang onto, since Ida’s superficial beauty-seeking is hardly an ideal to admire. Jill’s death means he no longer has a metaphorical mirror for his grandiose self. His sense of psychological structure has thus been shattered, leaving only madness for him now.

Lowry’s refusal to “play the game,” as Helpmann would put it–that is, participate in the game of society, to be a “dupe” of society’s phony charades, and therefore not to “err”–means the Symbolic is out for Lowry, and the death of Jill means the Imaginary is out for him, too. He has only the Real now, and its accompanying madness.

He is taken into a huge, empty cylindrical room, reminding us of Room 101 in Nineteen Eighty-four. Lowry even has a cage-like cap on his head to remind us of the cage with the rats on Winston Smith‘s head. Lint will be his torturer.

That Lowry will be tortured by his ‘friend’ is if anything a redundant horror, since his psychosis is already torture enough. Accordingly, now Lowry experiences a series of non-stop hallucinations: to begin, he imagines Tuttle and his band of “terrorists” breaking into the room, shooting Lint in the forehead, and helping Lowry to escape.

He even fantasizes that he’s become a fellow revolutionary and terrorist, being given a rifle to shoot the police with, and helping Tuttle blow up the Information Retrieval building. He can be the dashing hero after all…but not in reality or even daydreams now–in his endless hallucinations. Remember that he only imagines Tuttle to be a terrorist–we’ve never seen Tuttle blow anything up in the real world.

Elements of reality creep into Lowry’s hallucinatory world, if only symbolically so. Once escaped and among the regular citizens, Lowry sees Tuttle increasingly covered in scraps of paperwork from the blown-up building. The bureaucracy has devoured Tuttle. He later comes to Mrs. Terrain’s funeral (her having been killed by “complications” from her excessive plastic surgery), and as I mentioned above, he sees Jill’s face on Ida’s head.

Gilliam has apparently denied that this fusion of Jill and Ida represents Lowry’s Oedipus complex, that instead it’s one’s ultimate nightmare to see one’s own mother appearing as one’s lover. Frankly, I fail to see this latter idea as negating or contradicting the former. An unresolved Oedipus complex, properly understood as a universal, narcissistic trauma, is repressed precisely because consciously confronting it would seriously screw you up. Gilliam has also denied the totalitarian dystopia of Brazil, insisting only on the insanity and incompetence of government bureaucracy as the satirical target; yet the totalitarianism is way too obvious to ignore. In any case, I find it helpful to take a creator’s denials of this or that interpretation with a grain of salt.

The police barge into the funeral, blasting their guns away, and Lowry falls into Terrain’s coffin, falling into a black abyss. It’s his own symbolic death from having avoided reality, as Terrain died from avoiding the reality that plastic surgery would never have helped her attain the Aphrodite ideal of physical beauty.

The police keep chasing Lowry through the night darkness of the city. As described above, he climbs that pile of ducts, now no longer symbolic of the ubiquitous filthy intestines of government reach, but of wind pipes for breathing and freely expressing oneself, use-values rather than the exchange-values of state-owned Central Services. He ends up ultimately in Jill’s truck, which takes him to an idyllic, rural, grassy setting…a supposed happy ending.

Of course, it’s all just been a delusion: Lowry’s been in that torture chair the whole time. Lint and Helpmann look at the dazed expression on Lowry’s face and know the truth about his mental state. They leave him to dream on in his madness, him humming the “Brazil” tune.

Some say that Lowry’s escape into dreamland is a better fate than Winston’s utter mental defeat–loving Big Brother–but the point is that one doesn’t escape from oppression by dreaming it away. Way too many people today attempt such an escape by sharing memes on social media about rising up in revolution instead of really planning it. The whole message of Brazil, from the beginning, is that escapism into fantasy is self-defeating. Dystopia must be directly resisted.

Analysis of ‘The Party’

The Party is a 1968 comedy directed by Blake Edwards, written by him, and Tom and Frank Waldman. It stars Peter Sellers, with Claudine Longet, Gavin MacLeod, J. Edward McKinley, Fay McKenzie, James Lanphier, Steve Franken, Denny Miller, and Herb Ellis.

The film is a loosely structured farce, made up of a series of set pieces for Sellers to do improvisational comedy around. His character in the film is inspired by an Indian he played in The Millionairess (1960) and the bumbling Inspector Clouseau of the Pink Panther movies. While The Party is considered a classic comedic film, there is the problem of Sellers, a white British actor, wearing brownface and doing a caricature of an Indian stereotype…a buffoonish one, at that. I’ll address this issue more fully later.

Here is a link to quotes from the film, and here are links to the full movie.

It begins with an example of metacinema: we see what we originally think is the actual film, but it ends up being a film set in which Hrundi V. Bakshi (Sellers) is playing a bugler in a war between Indians and the British. The film they’re making is called Son of Gunga Din, which is an interesting title when one considers the poem, “Gunga Din,” by Rudyard Kipling.

What essentially needs to be known about Kipling’s poem, as far as its relevance to The Party is concerned, is that Gunga Din is an Indian water-carrier for the British; he is often treated abusively by the British soldiers for not bringing water to them fast enough. Nonetheless, when Gunga Din bravely tends to the wounded British soldiers on the battlefield, saves the life of the soldier narrating the poem, and is shot and killed there, the narrator regrets his abuse of Gunga Din and admits, at the end of the poem, that Gunga Din was the better man.

This far more respectful attitude of a white man for an Indian is, of course, in great contrast to Kipling’s later imperialist poem, “The White Man’s Burden,” which characterizes the colonialized natives as “Half devil and half child.” Similarly, Blake Edwards’s adaptation of Breakfast at Tiffany’s is far less apologetic than The Party is in its racist, cartoonish depiction of a Japanese man, Mr. Yunioshi, played by Mickey Rooney in yellowface.

I suspect that the ‘son of Gunga Din’ is not only far less servile to the British, but outright revolutionary in attitude. The filmmakers have hired Bakshi straight out of India to act in their movie, and his role is prominent: I’m guessing that he is the son of Gunga Din. If so, I see an intriguing parallel of Bakshi’s spastic messing up of the movie, one already about revolutionary resistance against whitey, and his later bumbling antics at the party of Hollywood A-listers he’s been accidentally invited to. Perhaps the best way for the Third World to overthrow Western imperialism is to be clumsy and accidentally ‘crash’ the party.

The point is that this opening scene–with the Indians fighting against British imperial rule (we see what are presumably members of a Scottish regiment, in their kilts and their playing of the bagpipes)–sets the thematic tone for the rest of the film, which can be seen as allegorical of the Third World resisting the plunder of the First World by screwing everything up in it.

Since Hollywood, as a crucial part of the Western media, has always been, in one form or another, a mouthpiece of Western capitalist propaganda (however ‘left-leaning’ and liberal that may be), then Bakshi’s bungling and screwing up of everything on the set (playing the bugle non-stop, long after he’s supposed to be shot and dead; attempting to stab a Sikh guard [presumably one of several Sikh collaborators with the British] while visibly wearing an underwater watch [the film being set in the late 19th century, when such watches didn’t exist]; and accidentally blowing up a fort before it’s filmed) can be seen as representative of Third World resistance, however unconscious, against such propagandistic narratives.

The luckless filming of Son of Gunga Din is one of three focal points in The Party. The other two are Bakshi’s accidental invite to the A-lister party, leading up to all of his buffoonery and screwing things up there; and finally, the bringing of the painted-up baby elephant–a symbol of India, as Bakshi calls it–to the party, which causes the lady of the house, Alice Clutterbuck (McKenzie) to go into hysterics, and which leads to the entire house being filled with soap bubbles, since Bakshi–offended at the hippie slogans painted on the elephant–wants them all washed off.

The odd thing about The Party is how it is paradoxically both racist and anti-racist, almost at the same time. True, it is awful to see a white man in brownface affecting an Indian accent and making use of all the typical Indian stereotypes (playing the sitar during the opening credits, for example); we can leave it up to Indian viewers of the film, as well as those of Indian descent, to decide if they want to forgive Sellers et al for presenting these stereotypes and making fun of Indian culture and–from the biased Western point of view, at least–idiosyncrasies.

Not to excuse the film for these great faults, but there are other things going on in The Party that clearly criticize racism, directly or indirectly. For one thing, while Bakshi is a buffoon for about the first hour and fourteen minutes of the film, by the time he’s changed into the red outfit and he hears Michèle Monet (Longet) crying alone in a bedroom at the party, he goes in and consoles her, demonstrating what a kind man he really is. At this moment, Bakshi finally starts to be properly humanized: he’s no longer just a stock comic Indian stereotype, but a nuanced character with some complexity. He continues to be so largely through the rest of the film. Again, this change doesn’t fully redeem the film, but for what it’s worth, it’s a lot better than what was done with Yunioshi.

Bakshi’s kindness to Michèle, which includes defending her right not to have to leave the party with the lecherous movie producer, CS Divot (MacLeod), demonstrates that he has qualities that more than compensate for his clumsiness and social awkwardness. In fact, he has good qualities that render his quirks insignificant. He has the only qualities of a human being that really matter–he has a good heart. You’re a better man than we are, son of Gunga Din.

As for Bakshi’s messing up of everything at the party–which includes getting mud on his shoe, losing it in the water he tries to wash the mud off with, laughing awkwardly at conversations he’s not a part of, shooting a dart from a toy gun at the forehead of Western movie star “Wyoming Bill” Kelso (Miller), dropping bird feed (“Birdie Num-Num”) on the floor, fiddling with a panel of electronics and disrupting the party further, getting caviar on his hand, then shaking the hands of others, thus spreading the caviar odor, catapulting his roast chicken at a woman’s tiara during dinner, setting off the sprinklers in the backyard, breaking the toilet and unrolling all the toilet paper after desperately needing to pee, and falling into the swimming pool–it should be emphasized that the A-list guests deserve to have their party ruined, given their snobbery.

Among these snobbish guests are some of the richest, most powerful and influential people in the Hollywood film industry: stars and starlets, producers, and studio heads like the host of the party, General Fred R Clutterbuck (McKinley), husband of Alice, among others. Also invited are a congressman (played by Thomas W Quire) and his wife, Rosalind (played by Marge Champion). This last one is particularly icy and snobbish to Bakshi when she butts in line ahead of him to get to the washroom.

This combination of Hollywood royalty and American politicians, as well as the fact that they’re all white, reinforces how they–in sharp contrast to Bakshi–are all part of the ruling class. In this sense, the party almost sounds like the political party in power. They look like a group of people in desperate need of a bumbling fool to intrude and be a shock to the system.

Bakshi’s disruptions of the established order even seem to have a subversive effect on the staff, intentional or not. After refusing an alcoholic drink from a waiter, Levinson (Franken), Bakshi walks off while Levinson helps himself to the rejected drink. He’ll continue his drunken devotion to Bacchus throughout the rest of the movie. Later, as the party is clearly falling apart and soap suds are everywhere, the maid (played by Francis Davis) stars dancing erotically to the song “The Party.” Even the jazz musicians, at one point in the middle of the film, sneak off to a room and pass around a joint. Instead of doing their alienating work, the staff are joining in on the fun.

The point here is that there’s a connection to be made between the staff, who represent the proletariat of the First World (including blacks like the dancing maid), and Bakshi, who represents the Third World proletariat. They should all join together and overthrow the bourgeoisie, in a revolution symbolized by the mayhem Bakshi instigates at the party. I hope that in these examples I have shown that The Party has antiracist elements as well as the unfortunate racist ones.

To be sure, the antiestablishment ethos of this film, as well as so many others of the late 1960s and much of the 1970s, never meant to carry their subversiveness to a…Soviet…extreme [!]. After all, the makers of such films are, like the Hollywood snobs of the party, just bourgeois liberals themselves, not Marxists. Still, these left-leaning types were of a sort at the time when ‘left-leaning’ actually meant something, as opposed to the liberals of the 21st century, who are unapologetically embracing such reactionary right-wing politics as the “free market,” jingoist Russophobia, and Zionism. I thus feel free to interpret this liberal film in as Marxist a way as I please.

It’s fitting that, just when Bakshi is beginning to shed his stock comic Indian stereotypes and showing his compassionate, humanized side, he’s switched from that fashion faux pas of a suit into the…red…outfit [!]. Similarly, we can hear in Michèle’s otherwise saccharine song, “Nothing to Lose,” a subtle allusion to the conclusion of a classic revolutionary text. We have “so much to gain”…even the world.

Now, while some of the staff are going along with the subversion described above, others represent the typical bootlicking class collaborators, like Harry (Lanphier), the headwaiter. He is frequently angry with drunken Levinson and his resulting incompetence, resulting in turn with Harry strangling Levinson. If Levinson’s drinking on the job is his form of rebellion against his alienating work, then Harry’s comic strangling of him represents a fascist bullying of the proletariat. In the end, when Clutterbuck learns from Divot that Bakshi is the one who blew up the fort on the movie set, he–meaning to strangle Bakshi in revenge–accidentally strangles Harry instead.

Allegorically speaking, the falling apart of the party represents the self-destruction of capitalism and imperialism, partly brought about by a Third World uprising (as personified by Bakshi). Clutterbuck, who represents the ruling class, accidentally strangles Harry (the class collaborating middle class, who fancies himself higher than that, as seen in an embarrassing scene in a room in his underwear, admiring his would-be muscles before a mirror) because when capitalism finally comes crashing down, it will crush its own in the imperial core, even in its attempts to crush those in the global south (i.e., Clutterbuck’s attempt to strangle Bakshi).

As for Bakshi’s defending of Michèle from not only Divot’s sexual advances but also his bullying demands that she leave with him, his gallantry goes against the stereotype of the patriarchal Indian male. He doesn’t see women as a man’s property, unlike Divot, who at the beginning of the movie is seen snapping his fingers at a sunbathing bikini blonde, signaling her to go in a camper with him to satisfy him sexually, something she isn’t all that keen on doing.

Bakshi’s offence at the sight of the baby elephant with hippie slogans painted all over its body (“The world is flat,” “Socrates eats hemlock,” and “Run naked”) is in itself worthy of comment. Recall that he says the elephant is a symbol of India; he considers it humiliating to have the animal presented thus publicly, so he wants the kids who painted it up to wash the paint all off. The writers of the screenplay must have seen the dramatic irony of a white man in brownface saying such things. Sellers, of course, needed to wash all the brown off, too, to stop humiliating Indians.

But again, while wearing that brownface, he says a very Indian-affirming line to Divot while defending Michèle’s right to stay at the party: “In India we don’t think who we are; we know who we are.” I’m reminded of the Hindu notion of the identity of Atman with Brahman. If we know of this unity, whether we’re Indian or not, that indeed, everyone and everything are all one, we’ll be liberated from samsara. Having seen The Party, Indira Gandhi loved that line. If one watched this film with one’s head tilted a certain way, one could see the brownface and Indian stereotypes as a kind of meta-cinematic comment on racism in Hollywood movies.

Towards the end of the film, we see not only Bakshi and Michèle dancing together, but also a white man dancing with that maid. The sexiness of the latter couple’s dance moves implies a tolerance and even a celebration of interracial romances. Such an attitude is also implied when Bakshi drives Michèle home, and that they’ll surely get together again in the near future, leading to possible dates. For a film with the problematic use of brownface and Indian stereotypes, the implied romantic interest here between an Indian man and a white woman is extraordinarily antiracist given the film’s release in 1968, when there still would have been a lot more raised conservative eyebrows at the idea than there would be today.

In the end, a film about an Indian blowing up a movie prop and messing things up at a party shouldn’t be seen as a racist portrayal of a swarthy buffoon (though using an actual Indian actor to play the buffoon, in spite of Sellers’s comic talents and box-office draw, would have been much better for the film). Instead, allegorically speaking, an Indian encroaching on the world of the American ruling class and screwing everything up for them, intentionally or not, seems like karma in action. After all, how often have Western imperialists–British, American, etc.–intentionally encroached on Third World countries like India and screwed things up for them?

And ultimately, the goal of the destruction of the old order isn’t destruction for its own sake, but its replacement with a much better way of doing things. This is what we see in the growing relationship between Bakshi and Michèle. Their initial loneliness and alienation has been replaced with love and togetherness, representative of that new way of doing things–one of sexual and racial equality, and loving human companionship.